In this paper, I analyse recent policy guidance on low carbon technology transfer provided by Germany, Franceand the United Kingdom (UK), three key EU member states (for now). I use the following definition of low carbontechnology transfer: the transfer of 'technologies that aim to minimize greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions,especially carbon dioxide emissions, relative to those technologies currently in use in a particular context'(Ockwell and Mallett 2012: 3), from developed to developing countries. It is 'widely seen as pivotal for addressingclimate change' (Auld et al. 2014: 445-6). Germany, France and the UK are all contributing to a considerableextent to such transfer, but in different ways, on which research is lacking. I investigate which actors play a role inshaping the policy guidance in the three EU member states, and which types of governance mechanisms (e.g.public, private, and/or public-private partnerships) and policy instruments (e.g. eco-labels, voluntary agreements,emission credits, and taxes) are employed. According to Auld et al. (2014: 445), '[c]limate change is a particularlyvibrant area for a proliferation of policy instruments that have been developed, administered, and promoted bystate and non-state actors'. After mapping the policy guidance, I highlight the differences between this guidancein the three countries, and I try to answer the question how these differences can be explained. Which interests(economic/environmental/social) were influential in shaping the guidance? I also assess to what extent thepolicies overlap and how these overlaps can be explained, including an investigation of to what extent EUmembership created path dependence (historical institutionalism). Finally, I shortly address the question what theeffects of the policies are. To answer these questions, I conduct case studies on the three countries, for which Icollect data from documents and interviews with policy-makers.
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