Home > Conferences and Events > Calendar of Events > Portsmouth 2007 > Research Session 3

Exchanging Ideas on Europe 2007
Common Values - External Policies
UACES 37th Annual Conference and 12th Research Conference

Research Session 3

UACES reserves the right at all times to make changes to the programme where necessary.

Session 1 | Session 2 | Session 3 | Session 4 | Session 5 | Session 6 | Session 7 | Main Programme

Tuesday, 4 September 2007 (08:30-10:00)

The panels listed in the table below are followed by the abstracts for each of the papers.

Baracani, Elena (University of Florence, Italy, elenabaracani[a]gmail.com)

The Impact of the EU’s Democratic Anchoring on the Settlement of the Cyprus Crisis

The main goal of the proposed paper is to examine the role played by the European Union in its interrelationship with Turkey for the resolution of the Cyprus crisis. In particular, it will provide an evaluation of the influence of the EU’s democratic anchoring on the management and possible settlement of this crisis. This analysis will first all describe the EU’s democratic anchoring on Turkey, with particular attention paid to bilateral relations, the EU’s assistance and the Union’s political conditionality. Second, it will provide an analysis of the Cyprus crisis, focusing on the historical background, the current scenario, the problems to resolve and the interests of the involved parties. Third, it will describe and compare the role played by the European Union in the settlement of the Cyprus crisis with that of other international actors. Then, it will describe the domestic reaction, in particular those of the Turkish political class and the elite to the leverage of the external actors involved in the crisis. Finally, it will evaluate if the EU’s democratic anchoring contributes to the settlement of the Cyprus crisis, by favouring political, economic or social developments that positively transform the interests of Turkish political authorities and other domestic actors relevant for crisis resolution.

Christou, George (University of Warwick, g.christou[a]warwick.ac.uk)

The European Neighbourhood Policy: Discourse, Interests and Transformation

The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was launched and presented as a new transformative foreign policy tool that worked within the logic of accession for ensuring security and stability within the EU space, with one crucial difference; inclusion through privileged partnership rather than membership of the European club. However, questions have arisen as to the overall efficacy of such a strategy as concept, method and process with a fundamental need critically understand how far the ENP is a convincing discourse for change in the institutional context in which it was conceived and is being played out. Using a case study of the Ukraine, this paper focuses on the extent to which the ENP is achieving its objectives within its neighbourhood through the engagement frame that it has constructed. It argues that although there has been a significant learning process within the ENP political exchange, there still remain internal EU constraints to achieving its transformative rhetoric, and that this, paralleled with the lack of accession incentive, is having a further detrimental impact on ‘willing’ countries such as the Ukraine.

Dangerfield, Martin (University of Wolverhampton, m.dangerfield[a]wlv.ac.uk)

Subregional Cooperation and Europeanisation Processes in ‘Excluded’ European States

Contrary to many predictions, the EU enlargement of May 2004 gave genuine new momentum to subregional economic and political cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe. This new dynamic has had several manifestations including: new emphasis on outreach policies alongside a continuing ‘internal’ agenda (e.g. the Visegràd Group); reconfiguration/relocation from new to putative EU members (e.g. the Central European Free Trade Agreement); a new phenomenon of cooperation between groupings (e.g. Benelux - Visegràd Group cooperation); emerging (Single Economic Space) and declining (GUAM) integration initiatives involving post-Soviet states in the context of strategic debates around development of integration with the EU. The post-enlargement subregional cooperation agenda has become increasingly concentrated on states lagging in or left out of the Europeanisation process as defined by EU expansion. The focus of this paper will be on the following questions. What factors have influenced the direction subregional cooperation has taken in the post-enlargement era? In what ways, exactly is this ‘new’ subregional cooperation supporting Europeanisation processes? Are the activities of the various subregional groupings complimentary with those of each other and, more significantly, how do their ‘Europeanisation’ activities relate to further integration with the EU?

David, Maxine (University of Surrey, m.david[a]surrey.ac.uk)

Joint paper with David Galbreath & Christian Haerpfer

Values and Change

Two groups exist in EU values literature whereby Member States are either deemed to 'learn' and become like the rest of the Members or to demonstrate differing levels to commitment to the post-modern values for which the EU is known. Applying lessons from Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) and examining results from a values survey of three non-Members (Russia, Ukraine and Moldova), this paper argues that the literature is either over-optimistic about change so far effected, particularly in respect of EU enlargement, or does not sufficiently examine the scope available to international actors to shape another actor's value set.
Through Putnam's identification of a two-level game, we can see actors as constrained at both domestic and international levels, albeit with some freedom to make difficult decisions and benefit from constraints faced by other actors. Thus, the paper concludes that enactment of values internationally is not a given and values will sometimes have to be set aside. Secondly, the change and continuity debate shows that certain domestic values, culturally and historically grounded, might be deeply held and so be fairly resistant to change. Other values, particularly those internationally formed, might be more dynamic and present other actors with an opportunity to shape them, with implications for the success of the European enlargement project.

De Ridder, Eline (Ghent University, Belgium, elinem.deridder[a]ugent.be)

Joint paper with Edith Vanden Brande & Yoko Eeckhout

The Influence of the European Union on the Democratization Process in Central Europe: The Czech and Slovak Republic Compared

This papers starts with analysing the concept of democracy and democracy promotion as applied by the European Union. Clearly the Union has developed from a purely economic bloc to an important international actor, promoting democracy, human rights and good governance. In a second part, the means at the disposition of an international organisation for democracy promotion are examined. These opportunities and limitations are analysed in the context of the Europeanisation and democratisation processes in Central Europe.
A rich literature has analyzed Europeanization dynamics in the first stage of membership application and in the second, once entry negotiations have begun. My paper focuses on the less discussed third stage of effective EU membership. It is examined whether the European Union can continue to use the leverage over which it disposes before accession, and can encourage democratisation also after EU entry.
A third part of my paper will compare the democratisation in the Czech and Slovak Republics, which will allow identifying the variables which have an impact on democratisation after accession. The paper concludes that, in spite of the general optimism about the role of the EU as an international actor stimulating democratisation, there are severe limitations to its democratising influence.

Díaz Fuentes, Daniel (Cantabria Universidad, Spain, diazd[a]unican.es)

Joint paper with Judith Clifton

From Ugly Ducklings to Economic Swans? The Rise of the New Public Services

Transnational Corporations (TNCs) and public enterprises have been perceived as organizations evolving in separate, even antagonistic, business, economic and ideological spheres. Yet, at the beginning of the C21st, utilities in energy, telecommunications, transport and water unexpectedly emerged as leading TNCs. Trajectories of “new service champions” such as EDF, Deutsche Telekom, Suez, Vivendi, France Télécom, E.ON, REW, Deutsche Post, Telefonica, Endesa, SAS, GAZPROM are examined in context. How and why did this remarkable and unprecedented transition occur? What are the consequences for competition, regulation, public services, consumers and citizens? This paper will synthesise the dramatic reforms experienced by public services in Europe and North America, explaining why these reforms occurred, and what are the main consequences of such change.

Dyson, Tom (University of Surrey, t.dyson[a]surrey.ac.uk)

The Politics of Divergence: Post-Cold War Military Reform in Britain, France and Germany

Despite ESDP and NATO initiatives post-Cold War reforms to the doctrines and structures of West European armed forces have been characterised by divergence. Whilst the militaries of states such as Britain and France have undergone transformation, legitimated by the need for effective participation in new NATO, EU, UN and US-led operations; others, such as Germany, have undergone conservative adaptation. The paper argues that, in the context of the thin and voluntary nature of ‘top-down’ EU and NATO policy models, domestic political factors have been critical in determining the ability of policy leaders in the UK, France and Germany to translate changes in the international security environment to doctrinal and structural reform of the armed forces. Such domestic factors include the formal institutional structures of the state, organisational and strategic cultures, veto-players and nested and interlinked policy subsystems such as social, economic and defence policy. They act to increase the political costs associated with military reform in the form of the politics of base closures and the social and financial implications of the abolition of conscription. The impact of domestic politics on military reform remains largely unexplored in the literature, which concentrates upon the pressures and challenges of the international environment or largely reduces domestic political factors to the role played by a static and path-dependent strategic culture in mediating systemic changes. However, despite the importance of such domestic structural constraints, the paper argues that policy leaders are not merely hostage to their strategic context. The agency of key policy leaders in the UK, France and Germany has been critical in negotiating and managing domestic and international institutional venues and the processes of domestic and international policy transfer consequent upon participation in international military operations and membership of regional security organisations such as NATO, EU and OSCE.

Gross, Eva (Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium, eva.gross[a]vub.ac.be)

Leadership and Legitimacy in Practice: ESPD Military Operations 2003-2006

This paper analyzes the role of France and Germany in ESDP military operations in the Western Balkans and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to assess issues that arise with respect to leadership and legitimacy in ESDP. First, on leadership, the paper analyses French and German policy decisions in the processes of proposing and participating in these ESDP operations particularly with a view to whether or not national foreign policies were Europeanized in terms of providing leadership for ESDP, to pursue specific national objectives, or to adjust to existing European policies. The paper then asks whether small group leadership existed and to what extent it harmed or furthered ESDP development. Second, on legitimacy, the paper assesses both input legitimacy in terms of domestic debate and inter-governmental transparency, and output legitimacy in the sense of effective and successful ESDP operations. The paper concludes that while small group leadership existed, the military operations did provide output legitimacy in the sense that the operations furthered ESDP’s development and provided important learning experiences for the EU. But, the military operations increasingly illustrate other problems of legitimacy that include questions of financing, and over the end to which ESDP instruments ought to be employed.

Heard-Lauréote, Karen (University of Portsmouth, karen.heard-laureote[a]port.ac.uk)

Transnational Socialisation via European Commission Agricultural Advisory Groups

The European Commission’s (CEC) Directorate-Generals (DG) Agriculture, Environment and Trade have developed transnational participatory mechanisms like the Agricultural Advisory Groups (AAGs), European Union Eco-Labelling Board (EUELB) and Trade Contact Group (TCG) for organised interest consultation. They potentially play a role in the “socialisation” of new European Union (EU) Member States (MSs), candidate countries and specifically interest organisations situated in these. Arguably, these committees are ideal contexts for the CEC to transmit to new MS participants: a) Good committee behavioural “Rules”; b) imperatives for i) developing European problem-solving perspectives, ii) amalgamating affiliate views; iii) reaching consensus, iv) accepting the European polity as an opportunity and; v) presenting technical arguments based on reliable data; c) advice on the “Brussels context” (institutional apparatus, legislative procedures and policy processes); d) cross-border convergence - new MS interest organisation representatives demand the creation of similar consultation structures back home. They equally constitute locations to transmit to new MS governments imperatives for integrating affected interests in decision-making and creating appropriate facilitating structures. Finally, committees are beneficial for established European interest organisations to transmit to new MS participant organisations how to: a) “contest” European/national policy; b) promote policy transfer; and; c) maximise advisory committee potential: i) network and develop contacts, ii) optimise Commission funded Brussels trips via peripheral meetings and iii) exert informal influence.

Hyde Price, Adrian (University of Bath, agvhp20[a]bath.ac.uk)

‘Normative Power Europe’ or ‘The Emperor has no Clothes’

This paper offers a critique of the concept of ‘normative power Europe’ and a realist analysis of the emerging role of the EU as an international actor. It argues that the concept of ‘normative power’ is theoretically flawed and empirically inaccurate. Theoretically, it rests on liberal-idealist premises that misunderstand both the nature of power in the international political system, and the structural dynamics of contemporary European international politics. Empirically, the concept fails to account for either the nature of the EU enlargement process or the development of the CFSP/ESDP. Rather than being a post-modern polity wielding a new form of ‘normative power’, the EU is better viewed as a vehicle for member states – led primarily by the ‘EU3’ – to pursue collective milieu shaping and engage in second order political and ethical concerns.

Johnson, Debra (Hull University, d.johnson[a]hull.ac.uk)

Joint paper with Colin Turner

The Vision Thing: TENs and their Role in European integration

Trans-European Networks (TENs) emerged in the late 1980s as part of the grand idea of building an integrated Europe, initially as a physical complement to single market measures. Presented predominantly as an economic tool to serve an economic end, the TENs initiative, like many major infrastructure projects throughout history, has had as much a political as an economic dimension.
This paper touches briefly upon the use of infrastructure as a unifying device in economic, political and military terms in a general context before homing in on the role that TENs is intended to play in European integration. It brings the role of TENs up to the present day given their prominent place in the Lisbon process. In understanding the strategic importance of TENs for Europe in an increasingly global commercial arena, the paper identifies the major national and transnational issues apparent in their evolution. The paper concludes with an assessment of the degree to which the reality of TENs has lived up to its rhetoric and whether TENs can realistically hope to fulfil the multiplicity of expectations and roles placed upon them.

Juncos, Ana (Loughborough University, a.e.juncos[a]lboro.ac.uk)

Joint paper with Karolina Pomorska

EU Foreign Ministry in the Making? Socialisation of the Council Secretariat Officials

The role of the Council Secretariat in dealing with the EU’s external relations has grown exponentially in the last few years, particularly with the development of the EU’s capabilities in crisis management. The Council Secretariat, by actively engaging in the expansion the EU’s external action, has been instrumental in increasing its effectiveness and coherence and exporting the EU’s values worldwide. The officials seem to gradually identify themselves with the norms of the institution where they work and develop a “we-feeling”. This paper aims to shed light on the socialisation processes taking place amongst officials from the Council Secretariat dealing with the EU’s foreign and security policy (DG-E and the Policy Unit) – a subject that has been under-researched in the current literature. In so doing, it aims to identify several scope conditions under which those processes occur. These include, inter alia, the nationality of the Council officials, duration of tenure, whether they are national seconded or civil servants or previous experience in other international organisations.

Lempp, Jakob (Dresden University of Technology, Germany, jakob.lempp[a]tu-dresden.de)

Supranationalization through Socialization: How Enlargement Contributed to Unexpected Institutional Change in the Committee of Permanent Representatives of the Council of the European Union

It is an academic truism that enlargement affected the functioning of the European Union and its institutions, and that effects of enlargement are especially noticeable in the Council and its sub-structures. Many researchers expected procedures in the Council to become more intergovernmental and decision-making to become more complicated. However, enlargement also contributed to institutional change in the Committee of Permanent Representatives in quite another—unexpected—way: it strengthened the influence of supranational and “quasi-supranational” actors within Coreper, such as the Commission, the Presidency and the General Secretariat, and it made decision-making easier in cases where profound national interests were not directly concerned. One of the main mechanisms causing this institutional change was socialization. Socialization mechanisms helped to overcome the cleavage between old and new , and to uphold the strong and often cited esprit de corps within Coreper. The paper analyzes these processes and tries to answer the question: how did socialization mechanisms contribute to a kind of supranationalization of Coreper after the 2004 round of enlargement? The analysis is based on 42 semi-structured interviews with experts from the Council General Secretariat and from member states’ Permanent Representations.

Manners, Ian (Danish Institute for International Studies, ima[a]diis.dk)

'As You Like It': European Union Normative Power in the European Neighbourhood Policy

This paper addresses some of the methodological, theoretical and empirical challenges of studying regionalism in the neighbourhood by arguing that the European Union's normative power in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is only powerful if it is felt to be legitimate by those who practice and experience it. 'As you like it' then becomes a means of better studying the ENP by asking questions about these practices and experiences - are they liked? And by whom??
The paper will do this by exploring both the EU's substantive normative principles and procedural normative ethics in the ENP region. It will also contrast this approach to the conventional causal approach of assuming that one action leads to another, leaving both the EU and its regional partners unchanged in the process. Here a reflection on theories of EU enlargement; theories of EU member states foreign policies; and theories of EU foreign policy are worth consideration.

Miskimmon, Alister (Royal Holloway, University of London, alister.miskimmon[a]rhul.ac.uk)

Europeanisation or a Return to National Solutions? British and German Security and Defence Policy and the Development of ESDP

This paper examines the role of Germany and the UK in the emergence of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) of the European Union (EU). Germany and the United Kingdom have faced major challenges stemming from their involvement in the ESDP. Not only has Germany had to accept the burden of ESDP leadership alongside France and the UK, but the UK has had to reassess its strategic culture in light of transatlantic tensions over the emergence of a more assertive EU foreign policy voice in world affairs. This paper assesses the degree of Europeanisation of foreign and security policy in Germany and the UK and examines the ability of both states to play a leading role in shaping the EU’s foreign policy into the 21^st century. Central to the process of Europeanisation is a state’s ability to gain acceptance of its national policies among other EU member states. As leading members of the ESDP, this paper examines how influential London and Berlin have been in shaping opinion among the 27 member states and to what extent Berlin and London share a common vision for the strategic direction of EU foreign and security policy.

Murphy, Mary (University College Cork, Ireland, maryc.murphy[a]ucc.ie)

Northern Ireland and the European Union: Proving the Multi-Level Governance Thesis?

The logic for the introduction of devolution in the UK was based on a multitude of factors including administrative efficiency, political expediency, greater recognition of cultural distinctiveness and the influence of the European Union (EU). Although many of these factors apply to Northern Ireland, arguably the driving force of the devolution of powers was an attempt to resolve the conflict. However, it is nevertheless plausible to suggest that future support for Northern Ireland’s regionalised status may be informed to some limited extent by the region’s direct experience of EU policies, resources and debates during the period of devolved power. The multi-level governance model suggests a range of opportunities for sub-national units within the EU framework. EU regional representation, policy influence and financial assistance were achieved during periods of devolved power in Northern Ireland. The likelihood of the sub-national unit having influenced positive developments of this nature in the absence of devolved power is unlikely. Key tenets of the multi-level governance model are therefore validated by the Northern Ireland experience within the EU. Consequently, the future of the UK experiment in regionalisation, at least in the case of Northern Ireland, may be to some limited extent a function of the region’s experience and exercise of autonomy and influence within the wider EU (albeit within terms set by the UK central government).

Smith, Michael (Loughborough University, lm.h.smith[a]lboro.ac.uk)

Normative Power Europe and the 'Case for Goliath': The EU, the US and the Pursuit of the 'Good World'

This paper contrasts the view of normative power Europe as put forward by Ian Manners with the view of the US as a provider of global public goods, which has been put forward in recent US literature especially by Michael Mandelbaum in his book 'The Case for Goliath'. Conceptually, it will argue that 'normative power' and 'the case for Goliath' stand at opposite ends of a spectrum in terms of their positions on tangible and intangible components of world order. The paper will then ask whether the notion of normative power is a device to avoid hard questions about the provision of public goods in the world arena, and will explore the extent to which the EU has collectively moved towards an acceptance or resolution of this tension. It will then ask whether the notion of the US as a provider of global public goods is similarly a device to avoid thinking about normative issues and the extent to which the US might be or become a normative power. The final section of the paper will ask whether there is a convergence between EU and US visions of the 'good world' based on the 'hardening' of EU positions and a 'softening' of US positions or whether there is a fundamental divergence between European and US positions.

Stegmann McCallion, Malin (University College Dublin, malin.mccallion[a]ucd.ie)

Central State Gate-Keeping in Sweden? What Role do Regional Partnership Actors Play in Regional Policy Partnerships?

Regions matter in the European Union for good functional and democratic reasons as key players in implementing EU policies. This research paper aims to provide a fuller understanding of exactly how the EU has changed the role of the region in intra-institutional relations within member states whilst charting how far central government continues to exercise a gate-keeping role in decision-making. The paper aims to chart how far the Swedish central government exercises this role as gate-keeper. It intends to do so by comparing experiences by actors involved in EU structural funds partnerships and actors involved national regional policy partnerships, thus providing a comparative study of partnerships in Sweden.

Stephenson, Paul (University Maastricht, p.stephenson[a]history.unimaas.nl)

'Low-speed rail?': Institutional and Systemic Constraints in Implementing TENs Transport Projects

Securing TENs on the EC policy-agenda in the mid-1980s, and policy formulation in the early 1990s, signaled a triumph for European transport, where the CTP had failed. TENs policy-making did not, however, oblige member states to implement policy, but merely adjust their preferences. Subsequent national investment decisions interfered with Community goals for network integration. National decision-making was often conflictual, and subject to uncertain political will and financial resources, leading to delays in the completion of the original 14 priority 'Essen' projects, and frustration on the part of the Commission.
The paper looks at the role of the High-Level Working Group on TENs implementation through the examination of minutes and proceedings of meetings in the crucial period 1994-97. It examines the constraints upon the action capabilities of elites in the European institutions as well as transport lobbyists to speed up progress. Thereafter it analyses the systemic institutional deficiencies in the policy process - coordination, boundaries, the role of actors, definitions - to account for the experience of implementation. This is not, however, to claim that TENs policy has failed; to the contrary, the paper will show incidences of spillover where policy advance in transport provided the momentum for policy development in other transport areas, beyond rail.

Whitman, Richard (University of Bath, r.g.whitman[a]bath.ac.uk)

Effecting Multilateralism: Norms, Power and the Search for Europe in the International

This paper takes as its starting point the EU’s declared aspiration for ‘effective multilateralism’ as the basis for an assessment of the norms to which the EU is self-identifying for itself in global politics. The paper asserts that ’effective multilateralism’ has become a ’geo-norm’ for the EU intending to act as key tenet guiding the role of the EU within international relations. The paper uses the notion of Normative Power Europe (NPE), proposed by Manners in 2002, as an organising framework for a discussion of effective multilateralism’ as an internationally embedded norms generative process being undertaken by the EU. The paper outlines that this norms generative process is to understood as one in which, simultaneously, an internalised norm generation activity and an act of outward norm projection takes place. The paper then moves to consider the extent to which NPE provides an adequate basis for assessing the forms of power that are both implicit and explicit within ’effective multilateralism’ as a norms generative process. The paper concludes that effective multilateralism is a part of the search by the EU for the identification of a distinctive role and presence for Europe within international relations but one that can only be incompletely captured by NPE.

Last modified: Friday, 31 August 2007
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