Home > Conferences and Events > Calendar of Events > Portsmouth 2007 > Research Session 2

Exchanging Ideas on Europe 2007
Common Values - External Policies
UACES 37th Annual Conference and 12th Research Conference

Research Session 2

UACES reserves the right at all times to make changes to the programme where necessary.

Session 1 | Session 2 | Session 3 | Session 4 | Session 5 | Session 6 | Session 7 | Main Programme

Monday, 3 September 2007 (17:30-19:00)

The panels listed in the table below are followed by the abstracts for each of the papers.

Bailey, David (Aston University, d.bailey[a]aston.ac.uk)

The European Reterritorialization of the ‘Capitalist’ State: A Deleuzian Marxist Critique

The theoretical debate within (EC/)EU studies stagnated around a neo-functionalist/intergovernmental dichotomy for much of the post-war period. Following the resurgence of European integration in the mid-1980s, however, we have witnessed a renewed theoretical debate that has introduced an increasingly diverse range of theoretical models, concepts and approaches, including critical theories. This paper takes the emergent critical approach to European integration as its point of departure, arguing that thus far these approaches have been almost entirely located within (and therefore suffer from some of the limitations internal to) a Marxist perspective. This paper focuses on the perennial (and insurmountable) problem of economic determinism in Marxist political analysis, arguing that it is equally reflected within the critical (Marxist) accounts of European integration and EU politics. It argues that by applying some of the insights developed in the work of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, this emergent critical (Marxist) perspective can be improved, enabling a more adequate (non-reductive) understanding of the often-noted market disciplining effect of many EU policy outcomes. This argument is made with reference to both the development of a Social Europe agenda by left-focused actors within the EU, and the policy outcomes that have resulted from it.

Bretherton, Charlotte (Liverpool John Moores University)

Joint paper with John Vogler

The EU as a Sustainable Development Actor in International Politics

Sustainable development has acquired treaty status and has become an integral part of the Union’s identity and self-image. Yet it is also a contested and shifting concept coined to accommodate the very different objectives of North and South in advance of the 1992 Earth Summit. This paper will provide a critical consideration of the EU discourse on sustainability as it has related to the external identity of the Union . The EC embraced the concept at Rio and since then the EU has been significantly involved in its re-statement and reformulation at the Commission for Sustainable Development and in the continuing UN review process leading up to and beyond the 2002 Johannesburg meeting. A critical question is the extent to which the Union was able to take the lead in defining sustainable development as opposed to merely reflecting wider currents of international opinion. The concept necessarily yokes together two of the major external policies of the Union – environment and development. Yet in contrast to the rhetoric of sustainability there has not always been a coherent fit between the two. The paper investigates the extent to which the EU has become an effective international actor for sustainability in these areas. This involves the examination of how presence has generated expectations of sustainable behaviour and how responses have been made to external opportunities. At the heart of this investigation is the question of policy capabilities in environment and development, the fit between them and the institutional and other barriers to a coherent approach to sustainability in external policy. The key tests of actorness for sustainability are the extent to which the environmental requirements enter into bilateral and multilateral aid negotiations and, by the same token, the support given by the EU to development considerations in multilateral environmental agreements.

Brkan, Maja (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, majabrkan[a]yahoo.com)

The Nature of CFSP Acts: Selected Legal Theory Aspects

The paper addresses the issue of legal nature of CFSP acts, together with the analysis of certain CFSP acts through the lens of legal theory.
The analysis consists of two parts. In the first part, the CFSP model is explained through various theories of legal obligation. While theories requiring sanctioning for non-compliance with the act cannot be applied to the CFSP model, the consent theory of legal obligation and the theory of fair play prove to be more appropriate. The former is suitable due to the promise of the Member States in the EU Treaty to comply with the obligations arising from CFSP acts. The latter depicts CFSP as a model within which a limited number of actors conduct a joint enterprise according to rules, thereby restricting their liberty with the purpose of gaining benefits.
The second part of the analysis consists of an examination of the content and type of obligations in various joint actions and common positions, drawing several conclusions as to their normative nature. Despite the lack of coercive mechanisms ensuring their observance, several arguments in favour of their normative nature are put forward. First, several CFSP acts contain best-effort obligations which prove difficult to be sanctioned. Secondly, many CFSP acts form the legal basis for allocation of funds from the EC budget. Thirdly, compliance with several CFSP acts contributes to their normativity.

Brosig, Malte (University of Portsmouth, malte_brosig[a]hotmail.com)

Implementing EU Non-Discrimination Rules and Minority Rights in Estonia and Slovakia

The paper processes the diffusion of EU non-discrimination legislation and European minority rights standards in Estonia and Slovakia before and after EU accession in 2004. It is argued that EU conditionality has let to a rather rapid adoption of minority rights and non-discrimination norms but their adoption until now is only a formal legalistic one. Full implementation is hampered by several factors. On the one had, lacking domestic resonance in society and negative attitudes towards Romani people make a full implementation of non-discrimination norms extremely difficult in Slovakia. On the other hand, the vague wording of minority rights norms allows Estonia to exclude stateless minority members from the protection of European minority rights. In summary the papers states that the diffusion of European non-discrimination and minority rules after enlargement three years ago is far from over. We are just at the beginning of a new phase, the implementation and enactment of these rules on the ground.

Carbone, Maurizio (University of Glasgow, m.carbone[a]lbss.gla.ac.uk)

Policy Coherence and EU Development Policy

Development policy is one of the central elements in the European Union’s external relations. While boosting quantity and improving quality of foreign aid are two key priorities for the European Union, it is increasingly recognized that other policies affect progress towards the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Policy coherence for development (PCD), a principle established by the Treaty of Maastricht, implies that the EU should ensure that its development policy is not undermined by other policies. Honoring this commitment to coherence, though, is not easy. First, the EU has a very complicated policy-making system: differences inside the European Commission, between EU institutions, among Member States and the need to accommodate diverse sectoral interests are not a recipe for coherent decisions. Second, development cooperation is an area that has a relatively weak constituency and little bargaining power.

Cheney, Emelyne (London School of Economics and Political Science, e.cheney[a]lse.ac.uk)

European Integration and the Political Mobilisation of Minority Nationalist Parties

European integration provides a new context for the political mobilization of regional minorities. The EU represents new institutional and representational opportunities for minority nationalist parties, but these are limited by the predominance of state interests in the EU polity and must be counterbalanced by the less accommodating aspects of Europe (increased regional economic disparities, the centralization of decision-making and the challenges of identity formation and re-affirmation). Such a pragmatic account reveals that minority nationalists are far from being the winners of European integration. And yet, minority nationalists’ pro-Europeanness suggests that symbolic and rhetoric dimensions might be at play. Hence, rather than answering the question of how minority nationalist parties have sought to take advantage of European opportunities, this research aims to understand what opportunities they perceive to be in the first place, and therefore why they have adopted this particular European stance. France being used as a critical case, the Corsican and Northern Basque nationalist movements will be compared to identify endogenous factors influencing the Europeanization of minority nationalist parties. Two factors are suggested as potentially affecting minority nationalist movements in their perception of Europe: regional institutionalization and cross-border identity.

Cini, Michelle (University of Bristol, michelle.cini[a]bris.ac.uk)

European Tourism Policy: Constructing an Interdisciplinary Research Agenda

Even if the European Union’s role is marginal, tourism is without doubt a sector of crucial importance to many, if not all, European states. Yet, there is only a rather limited academic literature on this subject – at least from the perspective of comparative political and policy studies. (The absence of an EU-focused literature is more understandable, perhaps). In this paper it is argued that this policy area is particularly amenable to multi-disciplinary research, and may even be an excellent testing ground for interdisciplinarity of a more rigorous kind. This paper goes much further, though, to present a new research agenda on European tourism policy, which aims to bring together not only insights but also literatures, research questions and preferences with regard to methods in the fields of political science, geography, law, economics, sociology and environmental studies.

Connaughton, Bernadette (University of Limerick, bernadette.connaughton[a]ul.ie)

The Dynamics of Adapting European Environmental Policy in Ireland: Implementation Challenges and Domestic Change

It is argued that the implementation of EU policy is but one example of the broader phenomenon of Europeanisation (Falkner et al, 2005). The Europeanisation literature addresses the issue of environmental policy implementation in terms of explanations for the deficit in compliance with environmental legislation. For Ireland, size, geographical position, economy and a historical lack of environmental policy initiatives or public awareness have made the challenges significant. Although Europeanisation has led to significant legal harmonization and some institutional innovation, it is argued that the necessary change for effective compliance remains framed by pre-existing features of the Irish polity, politics and policies. This paper discusses the impact of Europeanisation on environmental policy and investigates factors that illustrate the responsiveness (or lack of) in relation to its implementation in Ireland. It focuses on the response of the institutional framework and policy change, as well as public attitudes and resistance to change. Particular cases such as climate change, habitats and waste are used to highlight the range of environmental problems Ireland faces and how adjustments to the roles of public and private actors are illustrative of changing patterns of governance.

Dai, Xiudian (University of Hull, x.dai[a]hull.ac.uk)

Does the Internet Help Rejuvenate European Parliamentary Democracy?

The relatively low level of voter turnout in European elections poses a specific threat to the legitimacy of parliamentary democracy in the European Union (EU). It is generally believed that the fast spread and increasing usage of new media technologies, such as the internet, will help improve citizen’s participation in parliamentary democracy. This argument is largely based on the understanding that the internet offers a range of new features, including cost-effectiveness, interactivity and the death of distance, which are poised to revolutionise parliamentary communication. Based on a case study of the European Parliament and using a variety of data generated from a questionnaire survey, web content analysis and face-to-face interviews, this paper aims to investigate the relationship between the internet and European parliamentary democracy. More specifically, the paper addresses such questions as, firstly, to what extent are European parliamentarians prepared to use the internet; secondly, whether the unique technical features of the internet have significantly affected the way citizens and parliamentarians interact with each other; thirdly, what challenges are being faced by the European Parliament and its Members in developing a parliamentary eDemocracy in the 21^st century.

Fairbrass, Jenny (University of Bradford, j.fairbrass[a]brad.ac.uk)

The Europeanisation of CSR Policy: Is there any Evidence of Policy Convergence?

Sustainable development (SD) has become one of the most critical challenges worldwide of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. The European Union (EU) has tried to stake a claim to be one of the leading global authorities in this policy area, aiming to have a major impact in shaping the sustainability agenda and in pushing for action to achieve the associated targets. As part of its campaign to promote the policy, the EU has made an explicit link between SD and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) policies and practices. This paper explores the Europeanisation of corporate social responsibility (CSR) policy in the EU in a number of EU member states in an attempt to assess whether, how and why a degree of policy convergence may have occurred. In reflecting on developments to date, the paper offers fresh empirical data and makes a contribution to the theoretical debate about Europeanisation.

Favell, Adrian (University of California, Los Angeles, USA, afavell[a]soc.ucla.edu)

Joint paper with Virginie Guiraudon

The Sociology of European Integration

This paper discusses the added value of studying European integration and its effects through sociological lenses; i.e., using sociology to understand EU politics and its impact on European societies. We argue that the theoretical and methodological toolkit of sociologists can help us understand EU politics in ways that have been neglected by EU scholars. Conversely, we believe that sociologists have ignored for too long the impact (or lack thereof) of the EU market-making and polity-building project on European societies and economies. We draw on recent studies that seek to address this issue through comparative qualitative and quantitative analysis and original surveys. The paper offers an introduction to these studies, which will form the basis of a forthcoming handbook on sociology of European integration, edited by Favell and Guiraudon, that will feature the work of authors such as Neil Fligstein, Juan Diez Diez Medrano, Niilo Kauppi, Patrick le Galès and others.

Flood, Chris (University of Surrey, c.flood[a]surrey.ac.uk)

Joint paper with Rafal Soborski & Simon Usherwood

Comparing Conservative Party Alignments on the EU: British, French and Polish Cases

Using a composite, qualitative model of the interaction of ideological and institutional factors to explain synchronic and diachronic variation of positions within as well as between parties belonging to the same broad cross-national families, the paper examines the differing alignments of three major conservative parties on EU integration in general and on a range of key policy sectors in particular. The cases of the Conservative Party in the UK, the Union pour un Mouvement Populaire in France and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość in Poland are compared, using a range of sources internal and external to the parties. Across the three cases, the analysis highlights the important interplay between the parties’ core or peripheral ideological values, strategic calculations and the shifting representation of European integration by party policymakers under the constraining effects of party, electoral and governmental systems. It is argued that the model has wider applicability. It potentially offers a valuable tool for understanding how the European issue is received and processed by political parties and other political movements beyond the three case studies and beyond the conservative party family.

Kingah, Sevidzem Stephen (Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium, skingah[a]vub.ac.be)

The Utility and Futility of Introducing Counter-Terrorism and Non-Proliferation of WMD Clauses in the Revised Cotonou Partnership Agreement between the ACP and EU

In June 2005 the European Union (EU) and the group of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries, signed the Revised Cotonou Partnership Agreement (the CPA II). The CPA I that was signed in June 2000 replaced the Lomé Conventions that sanctioned trade and development cooperation between the European Community (EC) and ACP countries for more than two decades. Provisions on security were not included in the Lomé Conventions. Under the CPA I, what one may term 'first generation security clauses' were introduced. They referred to commitments made in terms of conflict prevention, management and eventual resolution.
The CPA II has incorporated a number of 'second generation security clauses.' They pertain to the express commitment to combat terrorism; the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; unmitigated adherence to the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and prohibition of mercenary activities or support for the same.
It is understandable that such issues should be raised by the Parties to the CPA II. The international community is quite concerned at the moment about the threats posed by terrorists and that presented by regimes that intend to manufacture weapons of mass murder. There are also cogent arguments in favour of backing the ICC. It is equally laudable that the activities of mercenaries be restricted.
However the arguments in favour of introducing second generation security clauses in a trade and development treaty can be debated. While presenting the arguments on the utility of such clauses, the paper also examines the futility of introducing the provisions. Each of the second generation security clauses poses substantive and institutional challenges for the Parties, a fortiori, for the ACP countries.

Komornoki, Mihaly (Corvinus University Budapest, komornoki.misi[a]gmail.com)

Joint paper with Andras Vissi

Decentralisation or Recentralisation

Decentralisation in Hungary has been a contradictory process starting with the transition in 1990, followed by the formation of statistical and planning regions, the capacity building of the regional institutions (e.g. Regional Development Council) and recent recentralisation efforts, to the opportunities of the 2007-13 programming period for the currently both financially and politically insignificant regions. Though decentralisation and subsidiarity do not belong to the binding elements of Community law, the Commission emphasized the importance of these principles for the accession countries during the Eastern enlargement of the EU. When discussing the Hungarian relations the following questions arise: Does decentralisation continue after an eventual decrease of external EU influence? Are there other driving forces of regionalisation beside the fulfilment of the accession criteria and the establishment of the acceptance conditions of the Structural Funds?
The government communicates its intention to Europeanise public administration and regional policy (although without scientific, professional and social dispute), but the creation of the legal framework and the extension of competencies of decentralised institutions are hampered by several factors, the two most important of which are the lack of political will, and consensus between governmental and opposition parties. At the same time the regional reorganisation of public administration might not contribute to the democratisation process as it might become a victim of daily political tactics and overall political balance of the Parliament. This paper aims at summarizing the decentralisation of Hungary, with all its pitfalls and difficulties, as this process goes in the opposite direction favoured by the EU.

Lightfoot, Simon (University of Leeds, s.j.lightfoot[a]leeds.ac.uk)

Joint paper with Jon Burchell & Joanne Cook

Embracing the Case for Voluntarism: CSR and the EU’s Approach to Sustainable Development

The 2006 EU communication “Implementing the Partnership for Growth and Jobs: Making Europe a pole of excellence on CSR” outlined the potential of CSR to contribute to sustainable development and to the European Growth and Jobs Strategy. However, as the concept of CSR remains open to broad interpretation and definition, exactly what this contribution entails raises important questions. In particular there is a strong emphasis from within the business community that on the one hand identifies CSR as being the business contribution to SD and on the other emphasises a CSR process that is business led and voluntary in nature as identified in the Multi-Stakeholder forum. What implications does this have for SD at the EU level and its attempts to regulate this area. This paper suggests that the EU’s enthusiasm for this interpretation of CSR has important consequences for its future abilities to regulate sustainable business practice and include the wider involvement of other stakeholders who wish to see CSR and SD regulations. In doing so it highlights important research issues for studying policy in this field.

Louwerse, Lisa (Leiden University, The Netherlands, l.b.louwerse[a]law.leidenuniv.nl)

The Rule of Law and the External Relations of the EU: Applying Confusion?

The discourse on the rule of law in the context of the external relations of the European Union has not been mapped out in great detail. Article 6(1) TEU refers to it as one of the principles, common to all member states, on which the Union is founded. The idea of common values is part of the Union’s constitutional development and its identity. In the assertion of the Unions identity on the international scene, the Commission emphasized the importance of the promotion of the Union’s values in the world in various policy documents.
The paper will focus on the promotion of the rule of law in several EU external policies and instruments (notably the European Neighbourhood Policy) and the various ways the concept is being understood. To be able to do that, a short theoretical overview of underlying notions will first be provided. In a second part the paper seeks to cut a detailed path through the tangled web of unspecified rule of law invocations.

Massetti, Emanuele (University of Sussex, e.massetti[a]sussex.ac.uk)

Taking a Stance on Europe: Minority Nationalist Parties in Britain between Ideology and Pragmatism

The European integration has become a salient issue in the manifestos and discourses of many political parties. This is even truer for minority nationalist (or regionalist) parties, as they traditionally attribute a great deal of attention to the relationship between politics and territory. The paper investigates the changes of attitudes and positions of the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru towards the process of European integration from the early 1970s onwards. After the discussion of the different typologies of party positions on Europe a classification schema, based on revisions to Flood’s Typology, is proposed. Party manifestos and documents are the sources used to show how the two parties’ positions towards European integration have changed considerably over time. In addition, using the data collected through extensive interviews with party senior members the paper points to how and why certain decisions on Europe were made. The findings show (though with interesting differences between the two cases) that pragmatism normally trumps ideology. In a final discussion, the paper engages with the main hypotheses which provide explanations on why parties develop certain positions towards European integration. In particular the Hooghe and Marks’ thesis which points at a clear relationship between parties’ left-right ideological position and parties’ position towards European integration seems to have at best partial explanatory power for minority nationalist parties, whose core ideology does not lay on the left-right but on the centre-periphery (or centralism-decentralism) cleavage.

Michailidou, Asimina (Bristol University, a.michailidou[a]bristol.ac.uk)

The European Public Sphere Online: Theory, Institutional Culture and Online Reality

The debate regarding the democratic deficit of the EU Institutions inevitably leads to the discussion of the key terms of participation & deliberation, openness & accountability, all core characteristics of democracy. A fundamental prerequisite of both deliberation and participation is interactivity between participating individuals and/or groups/institutions. The Internet facilitates interactivity and openness, as well as participation in the public dialogue on equal terms.
In this context, could the Internet play a role in promoting shared European values and thus assisting in the formation of a shared European identity? Is the Internet used by the EU in order to promote this shared collective identity to the European public? Is the promoting of such a collective European identity part of the EU’s online public communication strategy at all?
This paper aims to answer these questions in two stages, using empirical data collected over a period of 3 years (2003-2006):
a) The institutional culture behind the EU’s online public communication strategy; and
b) The online reality of the European public sphere, i.e. the implementation of the EU’s public communication strategy and the strategy’s impact on key EU audiences.

Plomien, Ania (London School of Economics and Political Science, a.plomien[a]lse.ac.uk)

The Before and After: EU Influence on Poland's Labour Market Policies and Politics of Gender

There is a growing wealth of theories and research on the impact of the EU on national policies and politics in relevance to West European democracies, generally grouped under the scholarship of European Integration and Europeanisation, but still relatively little is known about parallel developments in the 2004 CEE accession countries. The main goal of this paper is to highlight the multilevel social and political forces and actors at play in Poland which resulted from the exogenous events of first the collapse of socialism and second and increasing importantly from joining the ranks of the EU, and to determine whether and how these developments generate new sets of actors and structures in the domestic setting. On the general level I ask about the influence of the EU employment regulations on gender relevant labour market policy in Poland. How does the EU policy affect the nation state’s policy content and policy-making in the labour market area concerned with women’s employment in the stages of pre-accession and membership? This overarching question is supplemented by several sub-questions. More specifically, what was the transposition process of the of the nine gender equality directives required in the pre-accession period? How does Poland’s participation in the European labour market policy shape its domestic gender equality policies? And finally, what are the already observable outcomes of policies directed at women’s participation in the labour market? What are the potential effects of policy and legislation change on the labour market situation of women and which factors play a role in their development, direction, and implementation?

Quinn, Bird (University of Limerick, brid.quinn[a]ul.ie)

Europeanisation, Regionalisation and Ireland’s Adaptation

From its inception in the 1970s, the European Union’s regional policy has effected significant change in member states, while itself evolving constantly in response to expanding membership and changing priorities (Bache, 1998;Featherstone and Radaelli, 2003) ). Ireland serves as an example of a member state wherein EU regional policy has induced perceptible adaptation while the state’s experience also influenced the trajectory of EU regional policy. This paper explores Ireland’s response to the various tenets and thrusts of EU regional policy which involved exploiting the inherent opportunities and responding creatively to obligations and constraints. Having identified the underlying domestic socio-economic and political features which moderated adaptation, the paper charts the changes to policy, polity and politics; highlights the resultant institutional and processual transformation and identifies the new structures and patterns of governance which have emerged. It also explores how regional policy in Northern Ireland has been influenced by Europeanization and how North-South co-operation has been fostered in this sphere. The paper concludes (a) by assessing the degree to which Europeanisation has influenced the manner in which regional disparities in Ireland have been addressed and (b) by appraising the learning and adaptation evident in the new approaches to local and regional innovation, spatial planning, institution building and governance.

Rees, Nicholas (University of Limerick, nicholas.rees[a]ul.ie)

The Impact of Europeanisation, Globalization and Domestic Politics on Irish Economic Policy

Ireland is viewed by many in Europe as a successful example of European integration and as a state that has benefited from EU membership. Ireland’s recent economic success has, however, prompted a robust academic debate over the origins of this success which is contested. This paper examines how and in what ways Europeanisation versus domestic and global forces played a role in Ireland’s economic development and how this affected government policy. The paper considers the pre-existing policies and polity prior to EEC membership with a view to understanding the underlying domestic political and economic arrangements, which shaped Ireland’s economy. It then examines Ireland’s adaptation to Europe, focusing on early adaptational pressures and its response to the single market and EMU, where Irish policy-makers pro-actively sought to take advantage of new economic opportunities. It is argued, however, that domestic economic and political considerations also played a considerable part in shaping Ireland’s economic development leading to changing government economic policies and practices, including fiscal policy and corporatist style agreements. Ireland, while vulnerable to international economic changes pro-actively managed its policies to ensure that the state was able to take advantage of its position in Europe and its relationship with the USA.

Spernbauer, Martina  (European University Institute, Italy, martina.spernbauer[a]eui.eu)

Cross-Pillar Mixity for International Agreements: Constitutional Foundations and Procedural Aspects

By considering the principles that organise the tripartite relationship between the Community, the Union and the Member States, this paper is an endeavour to demonstrate that the emerging cross-pillar mixed agreements formula abides by the constitutional architecture of the Treaties and constitutes a suitable means to assert the Union’s identity internationally.
In a first part, a parallel - as to the doctrines of attributed powers, pre-emption and supremacy - is drawn between the type of shared-coexistent Community competence described in the EDF and Bangladesh judgments and the nature of the Union competence to conclude international agreements. Indeed, the mixed formula is legally made possible by the limited, and in fact potential, nature of certain Community and all Union competences and arguably finds its rationale in the Member States’ continuous pursuit of visibility on the international scene. On the other hand, cross-pillar mixity per se does not encroach upon Community competences in areas where the Member States are not precluded from exercising their residual competences inside the Council or outside of it
In a second part, the principle of sincere cooperation is relied upon as a means to safeguard the autonomy and precedence of the Community legal order. Developed in the context of mixed agreements as mutually binding, it arguably also applies across the Union’s pillars and provides a basis for procedural arrangements, in particular in the case of suspension of a cross-pillar mixed agreement in its entirety.

Ugur, Mehmet (University of Greenwich, m.ugur[a]gre.ac.uk)

Enhancing Corporate Social Responsibility in Europe: Can the EU Make a Difference?

Corporate social responsibility (CSR) has become a widely discussed issue globally and in the European Union (EU). A communication published in March 2006 states that the Commission will strive to give greater political visibility to CSR and to encourage European business to do more in this field. This paper will examine the scope for and limitations to realising the Commission’s objectives. Using a formal model, we will demonstrate that CSR quality will tend to be lower than optimum when corporate actors and stakeholders interact strategically. Therefore, theoretically, there is a strong case for public intervention and regulation. In practice, however, the scope for improving CSR quality through regulation or persuasion is likely to be limited. The EU can make a difference only if it can come up with regulations and cost/incentive structures that would influence the behaviour of both corporate actors and stakeholders – a fairly tall order. The problem and its solution become even more complicated when we take into account the fact that the EU is a regional regulator/norm-setter constrained by the need to secure intergovernmental consensus but also empowered by competence to recommend policies. We will examine the implications of this institutional set-up with a view to find out the extent to which the EU can make a difference in improving CSR quality.

Van Criekinge, Tine (London School of Economics and Political Science, t.van-criekinge[a]lse.ac.uk)

Aid Allocations to the ACP under the European Development Fund: Interests, Needs, Performance and the Role of the ACP

In the larger scope of establishing whether certain ACP countries are capable of voicing successful demands vis-à-vis the EU, this paper considers the specific question of ACP countries’ role in determining aid allocation. Officially, the allocation of aid from the European Development Fund (EDF) is based on criteria concerning recipient needs as well as performance indicators. In analysing aid allocation figures from the EDF, this paper seeks to address two issues. Firstly, it seeks to assess whether the Commission’s aid allocation rhetoric has been congruent with actual practise. Particular empirical questions addressed therefore include: Have the most needy/ poorest and best performing ACP countries ranked as the top recipients? Have performance-based reviews duly distinguished good and bad performers and adjusted aid allocation accordingly? Has high aid volatility towards the ACP improved? Secondly, based on the findings, through individual case studies, the paper will address whether certain ACP countries have been more successful in securing aid and whether success has been largely due to the country’s active negotiating role or if it is instead a purely EU-determined exercise based on EU interests and official aid allocation criteria.

Weller Julian (University of Portsmouth, julian.weller[a]port.ac.uk)

Digital Legitimacy: New Ways of Approaching the EU’s ‘Democratic Deficit’?

European societies have experienced a rapid development in new Information and Communication Technologies. Especially the Internet as a platform for political participation has attracted a great deal of academic attention. At the same time, the nature of EU's legitimacy remains disputed, particularly whether the EU is in need of democratic legitimacy. Moreover, due to the unique features of the political system of the EU, classical instutional arrangements to improve democratic legitimacy have been proven less feasible and effective than in the nation state context. However, does Internet-based participation bypass some obstacles for creating democratic legitimacy? Does the Internet offer new strategies for increasing input legitimacy? From the viewpoint that the EU cannot solely rely on output legitimacy, the paper analyses the potential to create input legitimacy by offering channels for e‑participation. The paper asks under which conditions - if at all – an e‑participation channel can be regarded as a potential source of democratic legitimacy in the context of the EU polity. The paper concludes that while Internet-based participation has arguably some theoretical merits for creating input legitimacy, the chances of an actual realisation of any ‘digital legitimacy’ are dim in the light of the hitherto experiences with e‑participation in the EU context.

Young, Alasdair (University of Glasgow, a.young[a]socsci.gla.ac.uk)

European Union Trade Politics

In the light of International Political Economy theories of trade policy and theories of EU policy making, this chapter will analyse the key political dynamics of EU trade policy making. It will consider the breadth of EU trade policy from multilateral trade negotiations, to bilateral negotiations, to WTO dispute settlement, to the use of trade defence instruments. It will argue that there is substantial variation in the institutions, interests and ideas across the broad waterfront of EU trade policy, for example with regard to the locus of authority, decision rules, types and constellations of interests, and prevailing ideas. These variations have significant implications for the substance of policy in different aspects of trade policy.

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