Home > Conferences and Events > Calendar of Events > Zagreb 2005 > Research Session 5

UACES 35th Annual Conference and 10th Research Conference
The European Union: Past and Future Enlargements

Research Session 5

UACES reserves the right at all times to make changes to the programme where necessary.

Session 1  |  Session 2  |  Session 3  |  Session 4  |  Session 5  |  Session 6  |  Full Programme


Tuesday, 6 September (14:15-15:45)

The panels listed in the table below are followed by the abstracts for each of the papers.

Panel Title: The EU and its Southern Neighbourhood
Chair: Federica Bicchi (f.c.bicchi@lse.ac.uk)
Papers: Holm, Tovias
EU Foreign Policy II
Chair: Knud-Erik Jørgensen (kej@ps.au.dk)
Papers: Antoniou, Hinarejos Parga, Pardo/Zemer
The EU and the Asia-Pacific Region
Chair: Uwe Puetter (puetteru@ceu.hu)
Papers: Bain et al, Cardwell, Stats et al
The Impact of Enlargement on National Minority Issues
Chair: Gwendolyn Sasse (g.sasse@lse.ac.uk)
Papers: Butler, Forysinski
Post-Accession Economic Policy Challenges for the New Member States
Chair: Jim Rollo (j.rollo@sussex.ac.uk)
Papers: Azzopardi, Sydorak/Holmes, Spokeviciute
Security Policy
Chair: Richard Whitman (rwhitman@chathamhouse.org.uk)
Papers: Ferreira-Pereira, Treacher
On the Move: European Citizenship and Institutional Change
Chair: Iris Goldner (igoldner@pravo.hr)
Papers: Bodnar, Kostakopoulou
Romania and the EU
Chair: Michael Baun (mbaun@valdosta.edu)
Papers: Chiva, Leisse/Leisse, Phinnemore
Legitimacy and Democracy: Theory and Practice
Chair: Michelle Cini (michelle.cini@bris.ac.uk)
Papers: Bursens/Helsen, Gunnarsson
Sustainable Development Governance
Chair: Dermot Hodson (dermot.hodson@cec.eu.int)
Papers: Fairbrass, Lee/Williams, Lightfoot
Gender Equality Law in Croatia: Towards Enlargement
Chair: Fiona Beveridge (f.c.beveridge@liv.ac.uk)
Papers: Vasiljevic, Vinkovic/Barkovic

 


Antoniou, Elias (University of Sussex, e.antoniou@sussex.ac.uk)
The Impact of Pillarisation on the EU as a Foreign Policy Actor
This paper examines the relationship between the pillar structure and CFSP and asks if reforming the pillar structure would lead to the EU becoming a global political actor. It argues that while pillarisation has enabled the incremental institutionalisation of EU foreign policy through CFSP, it also constrains efforts towards sufficient integration and co-operation and thus prevents the EU becoming a credible global political actor.
The analysis draws on a constructivist premise that the pillar structure provides the ‘action setting’ that both enables and constrains EU foreign policy-making and argues the relative costs and benefits for actors operating in the EU foreign policy domain. It proposes that while member states and institutions recognise that reform of the pillar structure and CFSP is required, the relative interpretation of what is a cost or benefit means there remain wide differences regarding approach and a lack of political will. Therefore, while the Commission stresses the inefficiency of pillarisation and recommends depillarisation, important member states regard it as an important mechanism that protects their sovereignty over foreign policy.
The broad conclusions are that the reform of the pillar structure is tied to differing visions of the EU and its role in global politics.


Azzopardi, Rose Marie (University of Sussex, rma22@sussex.ac.uk)
Island Economies in the EU: Cyprus and Malta
The EU contains many islands but prior to the last enlargement all these islands were part of a member state.  In their negotiations and also in the EU Constitutional Treaty, characteristics related to small size, peripherality and insularity have been taken into consideration, for some of these small islands eg the Canary Islands, the Faeroe Islands, Reunion. Cyprus and Malta share, although to different degrees, most of the characteristics of other small islands.  However, this was not taken into explicit consideration in the negotiations and both apply the full acquis communautaire.  This may lead to higher standards within the islands, which might give a better competitive edge to the local firms, better quality products and lower prices to consumers, a safer workplace and a healthier environment.  Compliance costs to both the private and public sectors however may provide a disproportionate burden to these micro-states. The paper examines the adaptation process within the two countries draws conclusions about the trade-off between long-term benefits and compliance costs of memberships and the challenges this may present for these two micro states in a Union of 25.


Bain, Jessica (University of Canterbury, New Zealand, jessbain@paradise.net.nz)
Joint paper with
Natalia Chaban, Martin Holland, Katrina Stats & Paveena Sutthisripok
The European Union and the World: How the EU as a Global Actor is Framed in Asia-Pacific Media
The European Union (EU) is increasingly becoming an important partner for many countries in the Asia-Pacific, in both political and economic terms, but few studies exist which examine the manner in which the EU is perceived internationally as a political entity. Using an interdisciplinary methodology, the paper investigates the framing of the EU as a global actor in the media of the Asia Pacific in terms of its political and diplomatic efforts in the region.  This paper is a part of the innovative, transnational research project, Public, Elite and Media Perceptions of the EU in the Asia Pacific Region: Australia, New Zealand, South Korea and Thailand: A Comparative Study. Daily coverage of the European Union was monitored in 20 prominent regional newspapers, and 8 primetime television news bulletins through out 2004.


Bodnar, Adam (University of Warsaw, adam_bodnar@yahoo.com)
Multilevel Citizenship: Status of an Individual in the EU Multilevel Constitutionalism
The purpose of this purely theoretical paper is to define and explain the special characteristics of an individual holding citizenship of various polities acting on the different level of organisation. The origins of the multilevel citizenship will be traced to the ancient Greek, federalism, with special emphasis on three-level citizenship in Switzerland. In the context of the EU the concept will be based on the theory of multilevel constitutionalism.
In the EU, every national of the Member State has at least national and EU citizenship. Furthermore, there is a third level of citizenship in certain countries – sub-national. A constitution, as a reflection of the sovereginty of the people, is regarded as a basis for citizenship in every level.  However, existence of a constitution in a given polity does not necessarily mean the democratic legitimacy of such polity.
Multilevel citizen has multiple identities, loyalties, catalogues of rights and obligations. It is interesting to note what are the relationships between the different levels of the citizenship and how they influence with each other, in particular their personal and material scope, as well as how they interact with each other (citizenship of one polity dependent upon nationality of the other). The distinction between the perfect model of multilevel citizenship and current practice in the EU will also be analyzed. In this context measures enhancing the multilevel citizenship in the EU will be proposed.


Bursens, Peter (University of Antwerp, Belgium, peter.bursens@ua.ac.be)
Joint paper with Sarah Helsen
L
egitimacy of EU Decision-Making: Input and Output Legitimacy of Qualified Majority Voting
During the negotiations of the Nice Treaty and the Constitutional Treaty, the issue of Qualified Majority Voting (QMV) in the Council of Ministers was fiercely debated. In this paper we address the question whether QMV voting in the Council lives up to the conditions of legitimacy. Both the modalities of the procedure included in the Nice Treaty and the proposed procedure included in the Constitutional Treaty are examined with regard to input and output legitimacy. On the input side the paper discusses the question whether thresholds of minimum population and Member State representation and an elaborated co-decision procedure in the European Parliament can soften the QMV input legitimacy deficit caused by the fact that minorities can be overruled by majorities. On the output side, the effect of QMV on ‘ability of the EU to act’ is examined. The paper will draw upon the theoretical literature on EU legitimacy.


Butler, Eamonn (University of Strathclyde, eamonn.butler@strath.ac.uk)
EU Enlargement and Hungary’s Nation Policy: The Political Significance of Non-traditional Security Issues
EU enlargement has traditionally been conceptualised within an economic and geo-political security framework.  Drawing upon the work of the ‘Copenhagen School’ this paper suggests that this framework must be expanded to include non-traditional security concerns.  This will allow a more holistic understanding of the political significance of enlargement.  This is important because, when examining the implications of enlargement on, for example, the enlargement process, there has been a tendency to focus on traditional economic and/or geopolitical factors in a ‘top-down’ manner – how the EU through the enlargement process influences the policy agenda of accession states.  By addressing non-traditional factors it becomes clear that enlargement not only has a ‘top-down’ impact but also a ‘bottom-up’ impact.  Using Hungary’s ‘nation policy’ as a case study, this paper provides an interesting example of how a non-traditional security concern of an accession state, can impact upon and subsequently become part of the EU policy agenda.  It achieves this by examining (1) Hungary’s insistence that minority rights be included within the European Constitutional Treaty and (2) Hungary’s recent call for the EU to move beyond its non-partisan position and become actively involved in monitoring and resolving ethnic-minority related political conflict within the Serbian province of Vojvodina.


Cardwell, Paul James (University of Sheffield, p.cardwell@sheffield.ac.uk)
The European Union’s External Relationship with Japan: The Backbone of EU-Asia Relations?
During recent years, the European Union has enjoyed a strengthened relationship with Japan. Since the adoption of a Joint Declaration in 1991 creating a ‘partnership’ between them, both sides have engaged in dialogue beyond the trade and commercial arena, leading to a number of successful joint projects in the fields such as environmental protection and international development. Japan has begun to recognise the EU as an international actor in its own right, and through the gradual formalisation of dialogue at various levels between the two sides, the EU has attempted to influence Japan’s changing legal and political horizon. The EU has also entered into more regular dialogue with other states in the Asia-Pacific region, both bilaterally and through fora such as the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM). By drawing on research period spent in Tokyo and literature from the fields of law, economics, political science and Europe/Asia studies, this paper will analyse how far the EU-Japan relationship can be regarded as a successful springboard by which the EU can engage with other states, as well as the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN), in the Asia-Pacific region.


Chiva, Cristina (University of Salford, c.chiva@salford.ac.uk)
Party Politics and Prospective EU Membership: The Romanian Electoral Campaign of 2004
The paper seeks to contribute to two areas of inquiry which, despite recent scholarly efforts, remain at an incipient stage: the still anaemic body of literature examining EU enlargement and the cases of Romania and Bulgaria, scheduled to join in 2007; and the even less extensive scholarship on party politics and elections in Romania, which remains relatively under-researched by comparison to other countries of the former communist bloc.
The paper explores the issue of EU membership in Romanian party politics by examining the 2004 electoral campaign. The principal question that it addresses is whether, and to what extent, attitudes towards the EU and prospective membership are shaped by party ideology. The argument of the paper is that patterns of ideological polarisation characterising the Romanian party system made it possible for all major players in the 2004 general elections to articulate rhetorical support for EU membership. The analysis focuses on the four parties and coalitions which were successful in obtaining seats in the bicameral Parliament, and on their strategies aimed at achieving consistency between their respective ideological and policy platforms and support for EU membership.


Fairbrass, Jenny (University of Bradford, j.fairbrass@bradford.ac.uk)
Sustainable Development Governance
Over the past decade or so, the European Union (EU) has developed policy and strategy concerning sustainable development (SD).  This paper examines the EU’s SD policy and raises questions about the nature of governance in this policy field, taking the United Kingdom (UK) as the case study.  The paper draws on scholarship concerned with the EU derived from political science but it also rests on theory and tools emerging from management science literature.  The research method adopted for this study is an empirical one employing survey techniques and elite interviewing.  As part of the review undertaken, the paper examines the impact of SD policy on UK actors in the public, private and voluntary sectors.  It also explores the role played by various actors in the development of the national and EU policy.  In particular the paper focuses primarily on business actors.


Ferreira-Pereira, Laura (University of Minho, Portugal, lpereira@eeg.uminho.pt)
The Portuguese Response to the Evolving Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, 1993-2005
This paper will focus on the approach of Portugal – a case study neglected by academic research - towards the evolving European Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. To this end, it aims at identifying and elucidating national assessment of CFSP since its formal emergence in the Maastricht Treaty (i.e. 1993). The analysis will address the following major questions: What were Lisbon’s priorities vis-à-vis CFSP and, as of 1999, towards ESDP? How the Portuguese declared contribution to the implementation of ESDP (e.g. to the Headline Goal and the European Union's operations) has translated itself in terms of financial and personal resources? What was the national assessment of the provisions of the Draft Constitutional Treaty on the CFSP/ESDP? It will be argued that the Portugal traditional Atlantic vocation based on its founding role on the creation of NATO has been decisive in the Portuguese approach towards CFSP, one that rejects any development endangering the maintenance of healthy transatlantic links. At the same time, as other small states, Portugal endeavours at placing itself at the core of the foreign and security building process, for fear of marginalisation and subsequent loss of influence and weight. In this perspective, it can be said that when it comes to the CFSP of the Union, Portugal has been engaged in a ‘high wire act’ whose contours and implications merits scholarly attention and assessment. Methodologically speaking, this paper will mostly rely on empirically guided research developed on the basis of elite interviewing and consultation of official documentary collections.


Forysinski, Wojciech (Eastern Mediterranean University, Turkey, wojciech.forysinski@emu.edu.tr)
Is Cyprus a Condition for Turkey’s Accession to the European Union?
The purpose of this paper is to explore the linkage between the settlement of the Cyprus problem and Turkey’s accession to the EU. Content analysis reveals that a predominant pattern of practically all EU documents is to link Turkey’s progress towards accession with the settlement in Cyprus. The rhetoric used implies that the settlement is an essential condition for Turkey’s progress towards accession. 
The paper begins with an overview of the EU conditionality. The aim of this part is to identify the main components of the European Union’s enlargement policy and to construct a basic theoretical framework for dealing with the EU’s conditionality.
The following part addresses two questions. Firstly, what is expected from Turkey and secondly, whether the conditions for Turkey are clearly defined and consistently applied. An important element of the conceptual framework of this part is that EU’s ‘settlement in Cyprus’ condition for Turkey has to be seen in a broader context of internal and international conflict resolution.
This paper is meant as a contribution to a broader enlargement discourse and better understanding of the EU’s conditionality as a foreign policy instrument. It is also intended to highlight the need for a constructive debate concerning the direction the Turkish involvement in Cyprus might take.


Gunnarsson, Jan (University of Copenhagen, Denmark, jg@econ.ku.dk)
Is Economic Analysis of Any Help in Studies of Legitimacy in the EU?
The transaction cost approach in economics has been applied in theorizing how Europe is governed. In providing a functionalist explanation of political organization, it encourages beliefs that reforms improving organizational efficiency also increase the legitimacy of European leadership. This paper discusses institutional perspectives on how democratic legitimacy is built by those, who aspire to rule the EU. An economist’s view will be discussed against a background of models of legitimacy by Scharpf and Schmitter. In addition, a governance practice directed to diffusion policy, which influences economic growth through transfers of technology (primarily policies on intellectual property) is fenced off. Preliminary results of a study of Danish engineers are presented to provide a better understanding of circumstances under which politicians derive legitimacy to transfer sovereignty to EU institutions.


Hinarejos Parga, Alicia (University of Oxford, alicia.hinarejosparga@law.ox.ac.uk
Judicial Review and CFSP under the Constitution
My paper will examine the jurisdiction (or lack thereof) that the ECJ is given over CFSP by the Constitution, and the consequences this will entail for the protection of individuals. Whereas the measures currently adopted under the nowadays intergovernmental Second Pillar are only binding under international law, and could theoretically be challenged indirectly before national courts by an individual whose rights have been allegedly breached, measures adopted under the same pillar once the Constitution is ratified will have the same features that Community law has at present, and will therefore be binding under the Union legal system. The ECJ, however, will not be able to review them. And neither will the national courts, effectively, since the Foto Frost principle entails that a national judge cannot repeal a Community (Union, after the ratification) measure.
Does this mean that individuals will not be protected within the Union system against breaches caused by measures adopted pursuant to the CFSP? Will the only resort left to the individual be the European Court of Human Rights (if the accession takes place)? If the accession does not take place, will the States, instead of the Union, be condemned by the ECtHR? My paper also considers whether a backdoor has been left open in the definitive text of the Constitution: it will be examined whether the changed wording of Article III-376 of the Constitution (differing from the draft treaty) opens up a possibility for the Court to claim jurisdiction to review the legality of restrictive measures adopted against individuals.


Holm, Ulla (Danish Institute for International Studies, uho@diis.dk)
European Neighbourhood Policy: Construction of Borders towards the Southern Part of the Mediterranean
The Paper examines how the EU’s perceived security concerns: fear of terrorism, organized crime and immigration tend to create new spaces and places of bordering between the EU and the Southern Mediterranean and in the Mediterranean Sea. However, the different kinds of re-territorialisation contrast with the EU’s vision of itself as an exporter of political and economic liberalism that entails the vision of a shared Euro-Mediterranean space open for culture, politics and economics. In order to analyze this tension, the paper takes its methodological  point of departure in a Foucauldian inspired discourse analysis of the Neighbourhood Policy with special regard to which extent especially the question of immigration has been  securitized in the Neighbourhood Policy. The discourse analysis is thus supplemented by the use of the theory of securitization, developed by the so-called Copenhagen School.


Kostakopoulou, Theodora (University of Manchester, dora.k@man.ac.uk)
Ideas, Norms and European Citizenship: Explaining Institutional Change
Despite assessments that European Union citizenship, as enshrined in the Treaty on European Union, was not enough to induce real institutional change, institutional change has occurred. As an institutional designer and agent of change, the ECJ made tactical interventions in the period 1993-2003 which resulted in incremental-transformative institutional change. By adopting a phased approach in-between Treaty revisions, the ECJ has strengthened the constitutional importance of European citizenship and the market citizenship template has been superseded by a constructive understanding of European citizenship that privileges citizen status over economic activity. Three phases may be distinguished in this process; namely, judicial minimalism (1993-97), signalling intentions (1998-00) and engineering institutional change (2001-03). An institutional constructivist approach to the judicial institutionalisation of Union citizenship highlights the salience of ideas, cognitive templates and norms in explaining the longitudinal process of its institutional development. It also shows that institutional change is a much more complex phenomenon than is generally portrayed by the literature. In searching for conceptual tools that explain European judges’ decision not only to bring about qualitative institutional change, but also to ground ‘a change’ in such a way that extension of the change is possible in the future, I argue that a multivariable model entails some promising lines of inquiry into the subject of institutional change.


Lee, Bob (Cardiff University, leerg@cardiff.ac.uk)
Joint paper with Andrew Williams
Producer Responsibility; Public and Private Interest Mechanisms in European Environmental Regulation
This paper examines ways in which E.U. environmental law harnesses the private interests of business actors to produce forms of self-regulation in business relationships. Reviewing the increasing emphasis on the impact of products (and their waste streams) on the environment (through laws or proposal relating to inter alia end of life vehicles, waste electrical and electronic goods, batteries, chemicals etc), the paper examines how these measures have been transposed into the domestic laws of member states in order to produce environmental governance through supply chain and other business relationships.


Leisse, Olaf (University of Erfurt, Germany, olaf.leisse@uni-erfurt.de)
Joint paper with Utta-Kristin Leisse
The Romanian Pathway to Europe
Romania plays a special role within the process of the extension of the European Union. On the one hand, Romania’s desire to become a member of the EU is universally supported by Europe’s political establishment. On the other, political and economic structures in Romania are still deficient to such a degree as to raise doubts about the scheduled date of accession in 2007. What do young Romanians think about the country’s political and economic affairs? How keen are they on becoming EU citizens and what do they expect from an accession? Which advantages and disadvantages do they suppose? And do they trust in Europe and its institutions?
The proposed presentation will discuss the results of a survey conducted by the author among 880 young Romanians in all kind of education. The results show that while the market economy is widely accepted, there is a lack of approval of the democratic system. For many, EU membership is associated with the hope of a regeneration of Romania. The attitudes, visions, and hopes of the young generation of Romanians show that this country on the Eastern edge of Europe is willing to become a full-fledged EU member.


Lightfoot, Simon (Liverpool John Moores University, socsligh@livjm.ac.uk)
The EU, Australia and Sustainable Development: Normative Power Europe in Action?
This paper sets out to explore the nature of the EU as a normative power in the field of global sustainable development by comparing it to Australia. This type of comparison offers insights into how the EU operates and in particular the ways in which it differs from nation states. It sets out to compare how commitments to the goal of global sustainable development affect negotiating positions in international trade and development fora, in particular the World Summit on Sustainable Development and WTO Ministerial meetings. The focus on trade, including agriculture, and development policy cover the broad range of EU competence. It also sets out to examine the influence of both parties on the outcome of these fora. Finally it will examine whether the EU and Australia are promoting different norms of sustainable development. Therefore this paper will add to our knowledge about the nature of the EU as a normative power by comparing it to a state from the developed world that actively engages with the sustainable development discourse and sees itself as an leader in the field of sustainable development.


Pardo, Sharon (Ben Gurion University of the Negev, Israel, pardosharon@yahoo.co.uk)
Joint paper with Lior Zemer
Taking the European Neighbourhood Policy to the ECJ: The Making of a Neo-Van Gend
It has long been argued that without a unified identity the European Union will not meet its internal and global objectives. Now that the Union is heading towards a defined constitutional identity, the political “outer aura” of the Union deserves unified identity recognition as well. European constitutional identity is composed of various political forces, including the external relations agenda, which should play a decisive role. True, the EU is divided when its “outer aura” is concerned. But, just as any other political organisation, it has inherent tensions of many kinds. Here I propose to examine an unavoidable link between two legal issues:
1. The role of the ECJ in the formation of the EU’s future external political identity; and
2. How this role may affect the evolving Euro-Mediterranean dialogue.
I shall advocate that a neo-Van-Gend decision – an extended “new legal order”, is necessary in order to place the Union at the forefront of international affairs, by subjecting to judicial review any decisions and acts in this area. For example, the ECJ should recognise locus standi of third countries and allow 234 proceedings. I shall examine the latter notion by using two examples: the ENP project (European Neighbourhood Policy); and lessons to be learned form the implications of the recent unilateral resolution of the rules of origin saga.
In the creation-process of the EU’s external political impulse, a new legal climate has to be established; one that is free from one-sided political corrosive influences and parochial interests, one in which participatory and deliberative democratic discourses take third countries into account, thereby elevating the constitutional legitimacy of the Court, and securing the place of a unified political identity as a defining component of the European justice system.


Phinnemore, David (Queen’s University Belfast, d.phinnemore@qub.ac.uk)
And We’d Like to Thank …: Romania’s Integration into the European Union, 1989-2007
On 1 January 2007 Romania is expected to join the European Union (EU). Accession will take place following more than a decade and a half of integration with the EU which has seen Romania consistently labelled as a ‘laggard’ and persistent concerns expressed at its preparedness of EU membership. Formally, the development of a state's relations - the conclusion of a Europe Agreement, the opening of accession negotiations, or accession itself - is governed by conditionality. Yet as this paper argues, the progress of Romania's integration with and accession to the EU owes as much to factors extraneous to the relationship than it does to Romanian efforts to meet the criteria laid down by the EU. The argument is sustained by an examination of the political dynamics of the broader processes of the EU’s relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and of EU enlargement. As the paper notes, Romania has benefited from the EU’s initially hesitant and later comprehensive approach to the development of relations with the CEE countries and eastern enlargement as well as a coupling of Romania with Bulgaria and the impact of geo-strategic developments on EU decisions concerning the future of European integration.


Spokeviciute, Rasa (University of Sussex, rs28@sussex.ac.uk)
The New Member States and the Financial Framework: Renegotiating Copenhagen?
The negotiations on the EU financial perspectives 2007-2013 is a big challenge for EU25. For the first time the new member states are participating in these negotiations as a full members and with the right of veto on the final decisions. The new member states will seek to improve their financial package for 2007-2013 compare to the final outcomes of Copenhagen financial package. This paper provides a comparative analysis of the new member states’ priorities and strategies during these two negotiations. The objective is threefold: (1) to explain the priorities of the accession countries and the situation during the negotiations on Copenhagen financial package, (2) to analyse the environment of negotiations on EU financial perspectives 2007-2013 and the priorities of the new member states in this negotiations, and (3) to identify the impact of the experience of the negotiations on the Copenhagen financial package on the behaviour of the new member states negotiating the multi-annual financial package 2007-2013. The findings of this analysis show whether the lessons, which were given by the negotiations on the financial packages, were learned by the new member states.


Stats, Katrina (University of Melbourne, Australia, kstats@unimelb.edu.au)
Joint paper with Martin Holland, Natalia Chaban, Jessica Bain & Paveena Sutthisripok
Watching Europe Grow: EU Enlargement from an Asia Pacific Perspective
As the European Union grows in width, it is also gathering economic power, political significance and social influence at both the global level and also in terms of its bilateral relations with other regions and third countries. Thus, when the Union loosened its waistband to make room for 10 new Member States and an additional 75 million citizens in May 2004, the event was closely observed by the Asia Pacific and greeted with mixed responses.
In four countries from this region - Australia, New Zealand, Thailand and South Korea - an international team of researchers monitored the media coverage of this event and local responses to it as part of a two-year, interdisciplinary study of external perceptions of the EU. Communicating Europe has been identified as a major issue for the Union, internally contributing to the democratic deficit that has plagued its existence and externally impacting its relations with third states and other regions. Working from the premise that “we use the media to construct our version of what the world is like,” this research provides invaluable insight into the Asia Pacific’s version of the European Union and the EU-AP relationship.
This paper explores how EU enlargement was framed
in 20 leading regional newspapers and 8 prime time television news bulletins of the Asia Pacific in 2004. It presents the results of a comparative analysis of the political, economic and social reportage in each of the four countries and considers the broader implications of the way the EU was communicated in the context of the enlargement to the Asia Pacific.


Sydorak, Anna (University of Sussex, a.sydorak@sussex.ac.uk)
Joint paper with Peter Holmes
Competition Policy Cooperation after Accession
European Competition Policy aims to preserve and develop a state of effective competition in the common market by applying EU law affecting trade between member states by DG Competition, which was the case until May 2004. For the purpose of the accession, Central East European (CEE) states needed to adjust to aqui communitaire in the area of competition under the Europe Agreement. The EU accession of the CEECs coincided with a major reform of competition law enforcement across the EU, namely the creation of the ECN. The ECN serves as a framework for the cooperation among national competition authorities of EU states. Paradoxically, at the time of creation of the ECN the new member states lost role assigned under Europe Agreement when competition issues affecting trade between member states became Community competence. Now all national agencies cooperate with each other and with DG competition to apply Treaty provisions 81-82 that have direct effect. Therefore the conclusions of the paper will consider the implications for the possible future member state such as Turkey.


Tovias, Alfred (Hebrew University, Israel, mstovi@mscc.huji.ac.il)
Conditionality and the New European Neighbourhood Policy
The first section of the paper proposed would contain a succinct presentation of the model presented by Ugur and this author in the December 2004 issue of European Union Politics and its application to the case of the Euro-Med Partnership(EMP). Specifically, I would demonstrate the extent to which the EMP contracts may or may not increase the credibility of the commitment to policy reform made by Southern Mediterranean governments. The credibility of the commitment is measured as the level of compliance with EMP contracts. This would serve me to prepare the ground for dealing with the second and principal objective of the paper proposed, focussing more specifically on the conditionality elements found in the new project put forward by the EU Commission in early 2003, the so-called ‘Wider Europe Initiative’, nowadays re-baptized for the matter ‘European Neighbourhood Policy’(the so-called ENP, not to be confused with the EMP). After reviewing briefly the distinctive elements of the new Initiative as compared to the EMP, I would assess with the help of the model of anchoring policy reform whether or not the new EU policy contains sufficient new ingredients to function as an efficient anchoring device comparable in some sense to real EU membership. The main conclusion will be (so it seems now after having experimented with the model) that the ENP is likely to work better than the present EMP in terms of anchoring policy reform in the Southern periphery of the European Union.


Treacher, Adrian (University of Sussex, a.h.treacher@sussex.ac.uk)
Institutional Responses to the Changing Nature of European Security:The EU in the Ascendency?
Post-Cold War, there has been, for many observers, a transformation in the nature of European security, not least in terms of threat perception. Concurrently, the continent’s institutional security architecture has undergone its own transformation that has been characterised by the EU’s move to a position of prominence. This paper argues that of these two processes, the latter has largely been driven by the former. Hence, the evolving form of European security will be examined, as will the institutional responses that became centred around NATO and the EU/WEU and which served to marginalise alternative multinational responses. Moreover, it will be argued, a shift in European security towards ‘softer’ and more diverse challanges has enabled the EU, from having had to accept a minor role in the early 1990s, to absorb many of the functions of Europe’s other security management institutions. To this end, the Union has shifted away from being reactive concerning Europe’s security to a more proactive stance based on instruments like conflict prevention. The possible limits to this EU dominance will be considered as will the implications for NATO.


Vasiljevic, Snjezana (University of Zagreb, snjezana.vasiljevic@vip.hr)
Croatian Gender Equality Legislation in the Light of the EU Enlargement
The Republic of Croatia has made a certain advance in the regulation of the equality between men and women at a legislative level. Today, Croatia has a Gender Equality Act, adopted by the parliament in July 2003. Before adopting Gender Equality Act, Croatia had only constitutional provisions protecting gender equality. Gender Equality Act is a product of achievements in harmonising the legislation with the EU law as a requirement taken by Stabilisation and Association Agreement Croatia signed in 2001. The most of the norms incorporated into this Act are taken from the EU Directive 2002/73/EC on equal treatment that set up an obligation for all member states to fulfil the conditions enacted by this Directive. Croatian Gender Equality Act guarantees equality of men and women in all areas, particular with respect to employment, work, pay, promotion and further training; equal pay for equal work, or work of equal value; the equality of men and women in the area of social security; application of affirmative action; freedom of sexual orientation as well as court protection and damages in all cases of violation of the right to equality between the sexes.  The objective of putting provisions about equality between men and women into the Croatian legal framework was to introduce standards for the identification of various forms of discrimination with respect to gender and sexual preference, and mechanisms for its obviation, including the protection of the courts. There is still some room for improvements and harmonisation of domestic legislation with the EU law.


Vinkovic, Mario (University of J.J.Strossmayer, Osijek, Croatia, mvinkovi@zakon.pravos.hr)
Joint paper with Ivana Barkovic
Gender Inequality in the Croatian Labour Market: Legal and Economic Aspects
The normative analysis of solutions contained in the Croatian labor-regulative system prima facie does not find flagrant deficiences of legal provisions or their significant discrepancies from comparative national systems of European states or international labour standards, but anti-discrimination measures in the conditions of inadequate level of court protection and inefficiency of labour inspectors in protecting substance rights often result in further reflections of discrimination arising from the anti-discrimination basis.
The gender analysis of the labor market in Croatia suffers from a lack of statistical information and research, limiting analysis and leading to the use of prior estimates and hypothesis. Therefore, scant statistical information and researsch about women in the labour market hinders their effectiveness with policymakers in the implementation of government procurement laws or policies that promote women in the labour community.
In the circumstances of negative transitional changes, significant impact of the Church on all spheres of the social and political life, unemployment, poverty and disallowed practice that makes a women undesirabile work force, a prevention of multiple forms of discrimination and genuine affirmation of the equal distribution of gender roles in social and family life has to become a permanent imperative in the society that is pursuing values and principles of equality
The paper discusses women's position in the Croatian labour market within transitional context, especially from legal, economic and political point of view. The pupose of this paper is to promote women position in the labour market as equal part of labour force.


Last modified: Wednesday, 31 August 2005
idD410501ProgrammeR5  +10Mar200©UACES 2005