Home > Conferences and Events > Calendar of Events > Zagreb 2005 > Research Session 5
UACES
35th Annual Conference and 10th Research
Conference
The
European Union: Past and Future
Enlargements
Research Session 5
UACES reserves the right at all times to make changes to the programme where necessary.
Session 1 | Session 2 | Session 3 | Session 4 | Session 5 | Session 6 | Full Programme
Tuesday, 6 September (14:15-15:45)
The panels listed in the table below are followed by the abstracts for each of the papers.
|
Panel Title: The EU
and its Southern Neighbourhood Chair: Federica Bicchi (f.c.bicchi@lse.ac.uk) Papers: Holm, Tovias |
|
EU
Foreign Policy II Chair: Knud-Erik Jørgensen (kej@ps.au.dk) Papers: Antoniou, Hinarejos Parga, Pardo/Zemer |
|
The EU
and the Asia-Pacific Region Chair: Uwe Puetter (puetteru@ceu.hu) Papers: Bain et al, Cardwell, Stats et al |
|
The
Impact of Enlargement on National Minority Issues Chair: Gwendolyn Sasse (g.sasse@lse.ac.uk) Papers: Butler, Forysinski |
|
Post-Accession Economic Policy Challenges for the New Member States Chair: Jim Rollo (j.rollo@sussex.ac.uk) Papers: Azzopardi, Sydorak/Holmes, Spokeviciute |
|
Security
Policy Chair: Richard Whitman (rwhitman@chathamhouse.org.uk) Papers: Ferreira-Pereira, Treacher |
|
On the
Move: European Citizenship and Institutional Change Chair: Iris Goldner (igoldner@pravo.hr) Papers: Bodnar, Kostakopoulou |
|
Romania
and the EU Chair: Michael Baun (mbaun@valdosta.edu) Papers: Chiva, Leisse/Leisse, Phinnemore |
|
Legitimacy and Democracy: Theory and Practice Chair: Michelle Cini (michelle.cini@bris.ac.uk) Papers: Bursens/Helsen, Gunnarsson |
|
Sustainable Development Governance Chair: Dermot Hodson (dermot.hodson@cec.eu.int) Papers: Fairbrass, Lee/Williams, Lightfoot |
|
Gender
Equality Law in Croatia: Towards Enlargement Chair: Fiona Beveridge (f.c.beveridge@liv.ac.uk) Papers: Vasiljevic, Vinkovic/Barkovic |
Antoniou, Elias
(University of Sussex,
e.antoniou@sussex.ac.uk)
The Impact of
Pillarisation on the EU as a Foreign Policy Actor
This paper
examines the relationship between the pillar structure and CFSP and asks if
reforming the pillar structure would lead to the EU becoming a global political
actor. It argues that while pillarisation has enabled the incremental
institutionalisation of EU foreign policy through CFSP, it also constrains
efforts towards sufficient integration and co-operation and thus prevents the EU
becoming a credible global political actor.
The analysis draws on a constructivist premise that the pillar structure
provides the ‘action setting’ that both enables and constrains EU foreign
policy-making and argues the relative costs and benefits for actors operating in
the EU foreign policy domain. It proposes that while member states and
institutions recognise that reform of the pillar structure and CFSP is required,
the relative interpretation of what is a cost or benefit means there remain wide
differences regarding approach and a lack of political will. Therefore, while
the Commission stresses the inefficiency of pillarisation and recommends
depillarisation, important member states regard it as an important mechanism
that protects their sovereignty over foreign policy.
The broad conclusions are that the reform of the pillar structure is tied to
differing visions of the EU and its role in global politics.
Azzopardi, Rose Marie (University of
Sussex, rma22@sussex.ac.uk)
Island Economies
in the EU: Cyprus and Malta
The EU
contains many islands but prior to the last enlargement all these islands were
part of a member state. In their negotiations and also in the EU Constitutional
Treaty, characteristics related to small size, peripherality and insularity have
been taken into consideration, for some of these small islands eg the Canary
Islands, the Faeroe Islands, Reunion. Cyprus and Malta share, although to
different degrees, most of the characteristics of other small islands. However,
this was not taken into explicit consideration in the negotiations and both
apply the full acquis communautaire. This may lead to higher standards
within the islands, which might give a better competitive edge to the local
firms, better quality products and lower prices to consumers, a safer workplace
and a healthier environment. Compliance costs to both the private and public
sectors however may provide a disproportionate burden to these micro-states. The
paper examines the adaptation process within the two countries draws conclusions
about the trade-off between long-term benefits and compliance costs of
memberships and the challenges this may present for these two micro states in a
Union of 25.
Bain, Jessica (University of
Canterbury, New Zealand, jessbain@paradise.net.nz)
Joint paper with
Natalia
Chaban, Martin Holland, Katrina Stats & Paveena Sutthisripok
The
European Union and the World: How the EU as a Global Actor is Framed in
Asia-Pacific Media
The European
Union (EU) is increasingly becoming an important partner for many countries in
the Asia-Pacific, in both political and economic terms, but few studies
exist
which examine
the manner in which the EU is perceived internationally as a political entity.
Using an interdisciplinary methodology, the paper investigates the framing of
the EU as a global actor in the media of the Asia Pacific in terms of its
political and diplomatic efforts in the region. This paper is a part of the
innovative, transnational research project, Public, Elite and Media
Perceptions of the EU in the
Asia
Pacific Region: Australia,
New Zealand,
South Korea and
Thailand: A Comparative Study.
Daily coverage of the European Union was monitored in 20 prominent regional
newspapers, and 8 primetime television news bulletins through out 2004.
Bodnar, Adam (University of Warsaw,
adam_bodnar@yahoo.com)
Multilevel Citizenship: Status of an
Individual in the EU Multilevel Constitutionalism
The purpose of this purely theoretical paper is to define and
explain the special characteristics of an individual holding citizenship of
various polities acting on the different level of organisation. The origins of
the multilevel citizenship will be traced to the ancient Greek, federalism,
with special emphasis on three-level citizenship in Switzerland. In the
context of the EU the concept will be based on the theory of multilevel
constitutionalism.
In the EU, every national of the Member State has at least national and EU
citizenship. Furthermore, there is a third level of citizenship in certain
countries – sub-national. A constitution, as a reflection of the sovereginty
of the people, is regarded as a basis for citizenship in every level.
However, existence of a constitution in a given polity does not necessarily
mean the democratic legitimacy of such polity.
Multilevel citizen has multiple identities, loyalties, catalogues of rights
and obligations. It is interesting to note what are the relationships between
the different levels of the citizenship and how they influence with each
other, in particular their personal and material scope, as well as how they
interact with each other (citizenship of one polity dependent upon nationality
of the other). The distinction between the perfect model of multilevel
citizenship and current practice in the EU will also be analyzed. In this
context measures enhancing the multilevel citizenship in the EU will be
proposed.
Bursens, Peter
(University of Antwerp, Belgium,
peter.bursens@ua.ac.be)
Joint
paper with Sarah Helsen
Legitimacy of EU
Decision-Making: Input and Output Legitimacy of Qualified Majority Voting
During the
negotiations of the Nice Treaty and the Constitutional Treaty, the issue of
Qualified Majority Voting (QMV) in the Council of Ministers was fiercely
debated. In this paper we address the question whether QMV voting in the
Council lives up to the conditions of legitimacy. Both the modalities of the
procedure included in the Nice Treaty and the proposed procedure included in
the Constitutional Treaty are examined with regard to input and output
legitimacy. On the input side the paper discusses the question whether
thresholds of minimum population and Member State representation and an
elaborated co-decision procedure in the European Parliament can soften the QMV
input legitimacy deficit caused by the fact that minorities can be overruled
by majorities. On the output side, the effect of QMV on ‘ability of the EU to
act’ is examined. The paper will draw upon the theoretical literature on EU
legitimacy.
Butler, Eamonn (University of
Strathclyde, eamonn.butler@strath.ac.uk)
EU Enlargement
and Hungary’s Nation Policy: The Political Significance of Non-traditional
Security Issues
EU enlargement
has traditionally been conceptualised within an economic and geo-political
security framework. Drawing upon the work of the ‘Copenhagen
School’ this paper suggests that this framework must be expanded to include
non-traditional security concerns. This will allow a more holistic
understanding of the political significance of enlargement. This is important
because, when examining the implications of enlargement on, for example, the
enlargement process, there has been a tendency to focus on traditional
economic and/or geopolitical factors in a ‘top-down’ manner – how the EU
through the enlargement process influences the policy agenda of accession
states. By addressing non-traditional factors it becomes clear that
enlargement not only has a ‘top-down’ impact but also a ‘bottom-up’ impact.
Using Hungary’s ‘nation policy’ as a case study, this paper provides an
interesting example of how a non-traditional security concern of an accession
state, can impact upon and subsequently become part of the EU policy agenda.
It achieves this by examining (1) Hungary’s insistence that minority rights be
included within the European Constitutional Treaty and (2) Hungary’s recent
call for the EU to move beyond its non-partisan position and become actively
involved in monitoring and resolving ethnic-minority related political
conflict within the Serbian
province
of Vojvodina.
Cardwell, Paul
James (University of
Sheffield,
p.cardwell@sheffield.ac.uk)
The European
Union’s External Relationship with Japan: The Backbone of EU-Asia Relations?
During
recent years, the European Union has enjoyed a strengthened relationship with
Japan. Since the adoption of a Joint Declaration in 1991 creating a
‘partnership’ between them, both sides have engaged in dialogue beyond the
trade and commercial arena, leading to a number of successful joint projects
in the fields such as environmental protection and international development.
Japan has begun to recognise the EU as an international actor in its own
right, and through the gradual formalisation of dialogue at various levels
between the two sides, the EU has attempted to influence Japan’s changing
legal and political horizon. The EU has also entered into more regular
dialogue with other states in the Asia-Pacific region, both bilaterally and
through fora such as the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM). By drawing on research
period spent in Tokyo and literature from the fields of law, economics,
political science and Europe/Asia studies, this paper will analyse how far the
EU-Japan relationship can be regarded as a successful springboard by which the
EU can engage with other states, as well as the Association of South-east
Asian Nations (ASEAN), in the Asia-Pacific region.
Chiva, Cristina (University of
Salford, c.chiva@salford.ac.uk)
Party Politics
and Prospective EU Membership: The Romanian Electoral Campaign of 2004
The paper
seeks to contribute to two areas of inquiry which, despite recent scholarly
efforts, remain at an incipient stage: the still anaemic body of literature
examining EU enlargement and the cases of Romania and Bulgaria, scheduled to
join in 2007; and the even less extensive scholarship on party politics and
elections in Romania, which remains relatively under-researched by comparison
to other countries of the former communist bloc.
The paper explores the issue of EU membership in Romanian party politics by
examining the 2004 electoral campaign. The principal question that it
addresses is whether, and to what extent, attitudes towards the EU and
prospective membership are shaped by party ideology. The argument of the paper
is that patterns of ideological polarisation characterising the Romanian party
system made it possible for all major players in the 2004 general elections to
articulate rhetorical support for EU membership. The analysis focuses on the
four parties and coalitions which were successful in obtaining seats in the
bicameral Parliament, and on their strategies aimed at achieving consistency
between their respective ideological and policy platforms and support for EU
membership.
Fairbrass, Jenny (University of
Bradford,
j.fairbrass@bradford.ac.uk)
Sustainable
Development Governance
Over the
past decade or so, the European Union (EU) has developed policy and strategy
concerning sustainable development (SD). This paper examines the EU’s SD
policy and raises questions about the nature of governance in this policy
field, taking the United Kingdom (UK) as the case study. The paper draws on
scholarship concerned with the EU derived from political science but it also
rests on theory and tools emerging from management science literature. The
research method adopted for this study is an empirical one employing survey
techniques and elite interviewing. As part of the review undertaken, the
paper examines the impact of SD policy on UK actors in the public, private and
voluntary sectors. It also explores the role played by various actors in the
development of the national and EU policy. In particular the paper focuses
primarily on business actors.
Ferreira-Pereira,
Laura (University of Minho, Portugal,
lpereira@eeg.uminho.pt)
The
Portuguese Response to the Evolving Foreign and Security Policy of the
European Union, 1993-2005
This paper will
focus on the approach of Portugal – a case study neglected by academic
research - towards the evolving European Foreign and Security Policy of the
European Union. To this end, it aims at identifying and elucidating national
assessment of CFSP since its formal emergence in the Maastricht Treaty (i.e.
1993). The analysis will address the following major questions: What were
Lisbon’s priorities vis-à-vis CFSP and, as of 1999, towards ESDP? How the
Portuguese declared contribution to the implementation of ESDP (e.g. to the
Headline Goal and the European Union's operations) has translated itself in
terms of financial and personal resources? What was the national assessment of
the provisions of the Draft Constitutional Treaty on the CFSP/ESDP? It will be
argued that the Portugal traditional Atlantic vocation based on its founding
role on the creation of NATO has been decisive in the Portuguese approach
towards CFSP, one that rejects any development endangering the maintenance of
healthy transatlantic links. At the same time, as other small states, Portugal
endeavours at placing itself at the core of the foreign and security building
process, for fear of marginalisation and subsequent loss of influence and
weight. In this perspective, it can be said that when it comes to the CFSP of
the Union, Portugal has been engaged in a ‘high wire act’ whose contours and
implications merits scholarly attention and assessment. Methodologically
speaking, this paper will mostly rely on empirically guided research developed
on the basis of elite interviewing and consultation of official documentary
collections.
Forysinski, Wojciech (Eastern
Mediterranean University, Turkey,
wojciech.forysinski@emu.edu.tr)
Is Cyprus a Condition for Turkey’s Accession to the
European Union?
The purpose of
this paper is to explore the linkage between the settlement of the Cyprus
problem and Turkey’s accession to the EU. Content analysis reveals that a
predominant pattern of practically all EU documents is to link Turkey’s
progress towards accession with the settlement in Cyprus. The rhetoric used
implies that the settlement is an essential condition for Turkey’s progress
towards accession.
The paper begins with an overview of the EU conditionality. The aim of this
part is to identify the main components of the European Union’s enlargement
policy and to construct a basic theoretical framework for dealing with the
EU’s conditionality.
The following part addresses two questions. Firstly, what is expected from
Turkey and secondly, whether the conditions for Turkey are clearly defined and
consistently applied. An important element of the conceptual framework of this
part is that EU’s ‘settlement in Cyprus’ condition for Turkey has to be seen
in a broader context of internal and international conflict resolution.
This paper is meant as a contribution to a broader enlargement discourse and
better understanding of the EU’s conditionality as a foreign policy
instrument. It is also intended to highlight the need for a constructive
debate concerning the direction the Turkish involvement in Cyprus might take.
Gunnarsson, Jan
(University of Copenhagen, Denmark, jg@econ.ku.dk)
Is Economic
Analysis of Any Help in Studies of Legitimacy in the EU?
The
transaction cost approach in economics has been applied in theorizing how
Europe is governed. In providing a functionalist explanation of political
organization, it encourages beliefs that reforms improving organizational
efficiency also increase the legitimacy of European leadership. This paper
discusses institutional perspectives on how democratic legitimacy is built by
those, who aspire to rule the EU. An economist’s view will be discussed
against a background of models of legitimacy by Scharpf and Schmitter. In
addition, a governance practice directed to diffusion policy, which influences
economic growth through transfers of technology (primarily policies on
intellectual property) is fenced off. Preliminary results of a study of Danish
engineers are presented to provide a better understanding of circumstances
under which politicians derive legitimacy to transfer sovereignty to EU
institutions.
Hinarejos Parga, Alicia (University of
Oxford,
alicia.hinarejosparga@law.ox.ac.uk
Judicial Review
and CFSP under the Constitution
My
paper will examine the jurisdiction (or lack thereof) that the ECJ is given
over CFSP by the Constitution, and the consequences this will entail for the
protection of individuals. Whereas the measures currently adopted under the
nowadays intergovernmental Second Pillar are only binding under international
law, and could theoretically be challenged indirectly before national courts
by an individual whose rights have been allegedly breached, measures adopted
under the same pillar once the Constitution is ratified will have the same
features that Community law has at present, and will therefore be binding
under the Union legal system. The ECJ, however, will not be able to review
them. And neither will the national courts, effectively, since the Foto
Frost principle entails that a national judge cannot repeal a Community
(Union, after the ratification) measure.
Does this mean that individuals will not be protected within the Union system
against breaches caused by measures adopted pursuant to the CFSP? Will the
only resort left to the individual be the European Court of Human Rights (if
the accession takes place)? If the accession does not take place, will the
States, instead of the Union, be condemned by the ECtHR? My paper also
considers whether a backdoor has been left open in the definitive text of the
Constitution: it will be examined whether the changed wording of Article
III-376 of the Constitution (differing from the draft treaty) opens up a
possibility for the Court to claim jurisdiction to review the legality of
restrictive measures adopted against individuals.
Holm, Ulla (Danish Institute for
International Studies, uho@diis.dk)
European
Neighbourhood Policy: Construction of Borders towards the Southern Part of the
Mediterranean
The Paper
examines how the EU’s perceived security concerns: fear of terrorism,
organized crime and immigration tend to create new spaces and places of
bordering between the EU and the Southern Mediterranean and in the
Mediterranean Sea. However, the different kinds of re-territorialisation
contrast with the EU’s vision of itself as an exporter of political and
economic liberalism that entails the vision of a shared Euro-Mediterranean
space open for culture, politics and economics. In order to analyze this
tension, the paper takes its methodological point of departure in a
Foucauldian inspired discourse analysis of the Neighbourhood Policy
with special regard to which extent especially the question of immigration has
been securitized in the Neighbourhood Policy. The discourse analysis
is thus supplemented by the use of the theory of securitization, developed by
the so-called Copenhagen School.
Kostakopoulou, Theodora (University
of Manchester,
dora.k@man.ac.uk)
Ideas, Norms and European Citizenship:
Explaining Institutional Change
Despite assessments that European Union citizenship, as enshrined in the
Treaty on European Union, was not enough to induce real institutional change,
institutional change has occurred. As an institutional designer and agent of
change, the ECJ made tactical interventions in the period 1993-2003 which
resulted in incremental-transformative institutional change. By adopting a
phased approach in-between Treaty revisions, the ECJ has strengthened the
constitutional importance of European citizenship and the market citizenship
template has been superseded by a constructive understanding of European
citizenship that privileges citizen status over economic activity. Three
phases may be distinguished in this process; namely, judicial minimalism
(1993-97), signalling intentions (1998-00) and engineering institutional
change (2001-03). An institutional constructivist approach to the judicial
institutionalisation of Union citizenship highlights the salience of ideas,
cognitive templates and norms in explaining the longitudinal process of its
institutional development. It also shows that institutional change is a much
more complex phenomenon than is generally portrayed by the literature. In
searching for conceptual tools that explain European judges’ decision not only
to bring about qualitative institutional change, but also to ground ‘a change’
in such a way that extension of the change is possible in the future, I argue
that a multivariable model entails some promising lines of inquiry into the
subject of institutional change.
Lee, Bob (Cardiff University,
leerg@cardiff.ac.uk)
Joint
paper with Andrew Williams
Producer
Responsibility; Public and Private Interest Mechanisms in European
Environmental Regulation
This paper examines ways in which E.U. environmental law harnesses the private
interests of business actors to produce forms of self-regulation in business
relationships. Reviewing the increasing emphasis on the impact of products
(and their waste streams) on the environment (through laws or proposal
relating to inter alia end of life vehicles, waste electrical and
electronic goods, batteries, chemicals etc), the paper examines how these
measures have been transposed into the domestic laws of member states in order
to produce environmental governance through supply chain and other business
relationships.
Leisse, Olaf (University of Erfurt,
Germany, olaf.leisse@uni-erfurt.de)
Joint
paper with Utta-Kristin Leisse
The Romanian
Pathway to Europe
Romania plays a special role within the process of the extension of the
European Union. On the one hand, Romania’s desire to become a member of the EU
is universally supported by Europe’s political establishment. On the other,
political and economic structures in Romania are still deficient to such a
degree as to raise doubts about the scheduled date of accession in 2007. What
do young Romanians think about the country’s political and economic affairs?
How keen are they on becoming EU citizens and what do they expect from an
accession? Which advantages and disadvantages do they suppose? And do they
trust in Europe and its institutions?
The proposed presentation will discuss the results of a survey conducted by
the author among 880 young Romanians in all kind of education. The results
show that while the market economy is widely accepted, there is a lack of
approval of the democratic system. For many, EU membership is associated with
the hope of a regeneration of Romania. The attitudes, visions, and hopes of
the young generation of Romanians show that this country on the Eastern edge
of Europe is willing to become a full-fledged EU member.
Lightfoot, Simon (Liverpool John
Moores University, socsligh@livjm.ac.uk)
The EU,
Australia and Sustainable Development: Normative Power Europe in Action?
This paper
sets out to explore the nature of the EU as a normative power in the field of
global sustainable development by comparing it to Australia. This type of
comparison offers insights into how the EU operates and in particular the ways
in which it differs from nation states. It sets out to compare how commitments
to the goal of global sustainable development affect negotiating positions in
international trade and development fora, in particular the World Summit on
Sustainable Development and WTO Ministerial meetings. The focus on trade,
including agriculture, and development policy cover the broad range of EU
competence. It also sets out to examine the influence of both parties on the
outcome of these fora. Finally it will examine whether the EU and Australia
are promoting different norms of sustainable development. Therefore this paper
will add to our knowledge about the nature of the EU as a normative power by
comparing it to a state from the developed world that actively engages with
the sustainable development discourse and sees itself as an leader in
the field of sustainable development.
Pardo,
Sharon (Ben
Gurion University of the Negev,
Israel,
pardosharon@yahoo.co.uk)
Joint
paper with Lior Zemer
Taking the
European Neighbourhood Policy to the ECJ: The Making of a Neo-Van Gend
It has long
been argued that without a unified identity the European Union will not meet
its internal and global objectives. Now that the Union is heading towards a
defined constitutional identity, the political “outer aura” of the Union
deserves unified identity recognition as well. European constitutional
identity is composed of various political forces, including the external
relations agenda, which should play a decisive role. True, the EU is divided
when its “outer aura” is concerned. But, just as any other political
organisation, it has inherent tensions of many kinds. Here I propose to
examine an unavoidable link between two legal issues:
1. The role of
the ECJ in the formation of the EU’s future external political identity; and
2. How
this role may affect the evolving Euro-Mediterranean dialogue.
I shall
advocate that a neo-Van-Gend decision – an extended “new legal order”, is
necessary in order to place the Union at the forefront of international affairs,
by subjecting to judicial review any decisions and acts in this area. For
example, the ECJ should recognise locus standi of third countries and
allow 234 proceedings. I shall examine the latter notion by using two examples:
the ENP project (European Neighbourhood Policy); and lessons to be learned form
the implications of the recent unilateral resolution of the rules of origin
saga.
In the
creation-process of the EU’s external political impulse, a new legal climate has
to be established; one that is free from one-sided political corrosive
influences and parochial interests, one in which participatory and deliberative
democratic discourses take third countries into account, thereby elevating the
constitutional legitimacy of the Court, and securing the place of a unified
political identity as a defining component of the European justice system.
Phinnemore,
David (Queen’s University Belfast,
d.phinnemore@qub.ac.uk)
And We’d Like to Thank …: Romania’s Integration into
the European Union, 1989-2007
On
1 January 2007
Romania is expected to join the European Union (EU). Accession will take place
following more than a decade and a half of integration with the EU which has
seen Romania consistently labelled as a ‘laggard’ and persistent concerns
expressed at its preparedness of EU membership. Formally, the development of a
state's relations - the conclusion of a Europe Agreement, the opening of
accession negotiations, or accession itself - is governed by conditionality.
Yet as this paper argues, the progress of Romania's integration with and
accession to the EU owes as much to factors extraneous to the relationship
than it does to Romanian efforts to meet the criteria laid down by the EU. The
argument is sustained by an examination of the political dynamics of the
broader processes of the EU’s relations with the countries of Central and
Eastern Europe and of EU enlargement. As the paper notes, Romania has
benefited from the EU’s initially hesitant and later comprehensive approach to
the development of relations with the CEE countries and eastern enlargement as
well as a coupling of
Romania
with Bulgaria and the impact of geo-strategic developments on EU decisions
concerning the future of European integration.
Spokeviciute, Rasa (University
of Sussex, rs28@sussex.ac.uk)
The New Member
States and the Financial Framework: Renegotiating Copenhagen?
The
negotiations on the EU financial perspectives 2007-2013 is a big challenge for
EU25. For the first time the new member states are participating in these
negotiations as a full members and with the right of veto on the final
decisions. The new member states will seek to improve their financial package
for 2007-2013 compare to the final outcomes of Copenhagen financial package.
This paper provides a comparative analysis of the new member states’
priorities and strategies during these two negotiations. The objective is
threefold: (1) to explain the priorities of the accession countries and the
situation during the negotiations on Copenhagen financial package, (2) to
analyse the environment of negotiations on EU financial perspectives 2007-2013
and the priorities of the new member states in this negotiations, and (3) to
identify the impact of the experience of the negotiations on the Copenhagen
financial package on the behaviour of the new member states negotiating the
multi-annual financial package 2007-2013. The findings of this analysis show
whether the lessons, which were given by the negotiations on the financial
packages, were learned by the new member states.
Stats,
Katrina (University of Melbourne,
Australia, kstats@unimelb.edu.au)
Joint paper with Martin
Holland, Natalia Chaban, Jessica Bain & Paveena Sutthisripok
Watching Europe
Grow: EU Enlargement from an Asia Pacific Perspective
As the
European Union grows in width, it is also gathering economic power, political
significance and social influence at both the global level and also in terms
of its bilateral relations with other regions and third countries.
Thus, when
the Union
loosened its waistband to make room for 10 new Member States and an additional
75 million citizens in May 2004, the event was closely observed by the Asia
Pacific and greeted with mixed responses.
In four countries from this region - Australia, New Zealand, Thailand and
South Korea - an international team of researchers monitored the media
coverage of this event and local responses to it as part of a two-year,
interdisciplinary study of external perceptions of the EU. Communicating
Europe has been identified as a major issue for the Union, internally
contributing to the democratic deficit that has plagued its existence and
externally impacting its relations with third states and other regions.
Working from the premise that “we use the media to construct our version of
what the world is like,” this research provides invaluable insight into the
Asia Pacific’s version of the European Union and the EU-AP relationship.
This paper explores how EU enlargement was framed
in 20 leading regional
newspapers and 8 prime time television news bulletins of the Asia Pacific
in 2004. It
presents the results of a comparative analysis of the political, economic and
social reportage in each of the four countries and considers the broader
implications of the way the EU was communicated in the context of the
enlargement to the Asia Pacific.
Sydorak, Anna (University of Sussex,
a.sydorak@sussex.ac.uk)
Joint
paper with Peter Holmes
Competition
Policy Cooperation after Accession
European
Competition Policy aims to preserve and develop a state of effective
competition in the common market by applying EU law affecting trade between
member states by DG Competition, which was the case until May 2004. For the
purpose of the accession, Central East European (CEE) states needed to adjust
to aqui communitaire in the area of competition under the Europe Agreement.
The EU accession of the CEECs coincided with a major reform of competition law
enforcement across the EU, namely the creation of the ECN. The ECN serves as a
framework for the cooperation among national competition authorities of EU
states. Paradoxically, at the time of creation of the ECN the new member
states lost role assigned under Europe Agreement when competition issues
affecting trade between member states became Community competence. Now all
national agencies cooperate with each other and with DG competition to apply
Treaty provisions 81-82 that have direct effect. Therefore the conclusions of
the paper will consider the implications for the possible future member state
such as Turkey.
Tovias, Alfred (Hebrew University,
Israel,
mstovi@mscc.huji.ac.il)
Conditionality
and the New European Neighbourhood Policy
The first
section of the paper proposed would contain a succinct presentation of the
model presented by Ugur and this author in the December 2004 issue of European
Union Politics and its application to the case of the Euro-Med Partnership(EMP).
Specifically, I would demonstrate the extent to which the EMP contracts may or
may not increase the credibility of the commitment to policy reform made by
Southern Mediterranean governments. The credibility of the commitment is
measured as the level of compliance with EMP contracts. This would serve me to
prepare the ground for dealing with the second and principal objective of the
paper proposed, focussing more specifically on the conditionality elements
found in the new project put forward by the EU Commission in early 2003, the
so-called ‘Wider Europe Initiative’, nowadays re-baptized for the matter
‘European Neighbourhood Policy’(the so-called ENP, not to be confused with the
EMP). After reviewing briefly the distinctive elements of the new Initiative
as compared to the EMP, I would assess with the help of the model of anchoring
policy reform whether or not the new EU policy contains sufficient new
ingredients to function as an efficient anchoring device comparable in some
sense to real EU membership. The main conclusion will be (so it seems now
after having experimented with the model) that the ENP is likely to work
better than the present EMP in terms of anchoring policy reform in the
Southern periphery of the European Union.
Treacher, Adrian (University of
Sussex, a.h.treacher@sussex.ac.uk)
Institutional
Responses to the Changing Nature of European Security:The EU in the Ascendency?
Post-Cold
War, there has been, for many observers, a transformation in the nature of
European security, not least in terms of threat perception. Concurrently, the
continent’s institutional security architecture has undergone its own
transformation that has been characterised by the EU’s move to a position of
prominence. This paper argues that of these two processes, the latter has
largely been driven by the former. Hence, the evolving form of European
security will be examined, as will the institutional responses that became
centred around NATO and the EU/WEU and which served to marginalise alternative
multinational responses. Moreover, it will be argued, a shift in European
security towards ‘softer’ and more diverse challanges has enabled the EU, from
having had to accept a minor role in the early 1990s, to absorb many of the
functions of Europe’s other security management institutions. To this end, the
Union has shifted away from being reactive concerning Europe’s security
to a more proactive stance based on instruments like conflict
prevention. The possible limits to this EU dominance will be considered as
will the implications for NATO.
Vasiljevic, Snjezana (University
of Zagreb, snjezana.vasiljevic@vip.hr)
Croatian Gender Equality Legislation in the Light of
the EU Enlargement
The
Republic of Croatia has made a certain advance in the regulation of the
equality between men and women at a legislative level. Today, Croatia has a
Gender Equality Act, adopted by the parliament in July 2003. Before adopting
Gender Equality Act, Croatia had only constitutional provisions protecting
gender equality. Gender Equality Act is a product of achievements in
harmonising the legislation with the EU law as a requirement taken by
Stabilisation and Association Agreement Croatia signed in 2001. The most of
the norms incorporated into this Act are taken from the EU Directive
2002/73/EC on equal treatment that set up an obligation for all member states
to fulfil the conditions enacted by this Directive. Croatian Gender Equality
Act guarantees equality of men and women in all areas, particular with respect
to employment, work, pay, promotion and further training; equal pay for equal
work, or work of equal value; the equality of men and women in the area of
social security; application of affirmative action; freedom of sexual
orientation as well as court protection and damages in all cases of violation
of the right to equality between the sexes. The objective of putting
provisions about equality between men and women into the Croatian legal
framework was to introduce standards for the identification of various forms
of discrimination with respect to gender and sexual preference, and mechanisms
for its obviation, including the protection of the courts. There is still some
room for improvements and harmonisation of domestic legislation with the EU
law.
Vinkovic, Mario (University of J.J.Strossmayer, Osijek, Croatia,
mvinkovi@zakon.pravos.hr)
Joint
paper with Ivana Barkovic
Gender
Inequality in the Croatian Labour Market: Legal and Economic Aspects
The normative
analysis of solutions contained in the Croatian labor-regulative system prima
facie does not find flagrant deficiences of legal provisions or their
significant discrepancies from comparative national systems of European states
or international labour standards, but anti-discrimination measures in the
conditions of inadequate level of court protection and inefficiency of labour
inspectors in protecting substance rights often result in further reflections
of discrimination arising from the anti-discrimination basis.
The gender analysis of the labor market in Croatia suffers from a lack of
statistical information and research, limiting analysis and leading to the use
of prior estimates and hypothesis. Therefore, scant statistical information
and researsch about women in the labour market hinders their effectiveness
with policymakers in the implementation of government procurement laws or
policies that promote women in the labour community.
In the circumstances of negative transitional changes, significant impact of
the Church on all spheres of the social and political life, unemployment,
poverty and disallowed practice that makes a women undesirabile work force, a
prevention of multiple forms of discrimination and genuine affirmation of the
equal distribution of gender roles in social and family life has to become a
permanent imperative in the society that is pursuing values and principles of
equality
The paper discusses women's position in
the Croatian labour market within transitional context, especially from legal,
economic and political point of view. The pupose of this paper is to promote
women position in the labour market as equal part of labour force.
Last modified:
Wednesday, 31 August 2005
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