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UACES 33rd Annual Conference and 8th Research Conference
The European Union: The First Ten Years, The Next Ten Years?
University of Newcastle, Tuesday 2 – Thursday 4 September 2003

Abstracts and Programme for Research Sessions

The timetable and abstracts of papers to be presented at the Research sessions of the conference can be found below. The conference also includes Plenary sessions with invited speakers.

The abstracts on this page are in alphabetical order by surname. 
1)  If you know the name of the author, use the A-Z key below to find the abstract you are interested in. 
2)  If not, scroll down to where the panels are listed and you can browse through their titles.

A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z

Research Session 1  |  Research Session 2  |  Research Session 3
Research Session 4  |  Research Session 5

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Research Session 1: Tuesday 2nd September 2003, 15:45 - 17:15

Research Session 2: Wednesday 3rd September 2003, 11:00 - 12:30

Research Session 3: Wednesday 3rd September 2003, 14:00 - 15:30

Research Session 4: Wednesday 3rd September 2003, 16:00 - 17:30

Research Session 5: Thursday 4th September 2003, 09:00 - 10:30

A

Akman  |  Albi  |  Anderson |  Andreosso-O’Callaghan  |  Archer  |  Archer (Chair)  |  Ardy  |  Ardy (Chair)  |  Arikan  |  Armstrong  |  Averre  |  Averre (Chair)

Akman, Sait (Marmara University, Turkey, saitakman@ixir.com)
A Public Choice Approach to Turkey-EU Relations in the Enlargement Process
This paper intends to analyse the approaches of various actors influencing the policy-making process in Turkey’s relations with the European Union within the context of enlargement. It  is based on a research following a “public choice theory” whereby  the interests of different actors including governmental and non-governmental organisations are taken into consideration. It proposes that it is not only the state institutions that shape Turkey’s policy towards the EU in the Candidacy process, but also societal and non-governmental bodies such as business associations, trade unions, NGOs  and the academic community play a significant role in directing the pace of the government’s  action and its determination  for meeting the Copenhagen criteria.

Albi, Anneli (European University Institute, albi@iue.it)
Referendums in Eastern Europe: Impact on EU Treaty Amendment Procedure
The proposed paper would discuss the impact of the referendums and constitutional amendment procedures of the Central and Eastern European (CEE) Candidate Countries on reforming the EU treaties. It highlights the procedural and practical complications in Central and Eastern Europe concerning the requirement of unanimous ratification of the EU treaty amendments under ‘the national constitutional procedures’ (art 48 TEU). Namely, in the CEE Candidate Countries, there is a tradition of holding referendums frequently, the majority of recent referendums have been invalid because of high minimum turnout requirements, public opinion tends to be rather eurosceptic in several countries, and there are relatively long prohibition periods for re-initiating unsuccessful referendums.
These factors, which would increase the likelihood of cases such as the first Irish referendum on the Nice Treaty in the post-enlargement Union, and thus threaten with a paralysis of the amendment process, should bring the politically sensitive issue of simplifying the EU treaty amendment procedure more firmly onto the agenda. The paper would briefly discuss alternative treaty amendment mechanisms, including the holding of an EU-wide referendum or establishing a special Congress of national parliaments.

Anderson, Alistair (University of Newcastle upon Tyne), alistair.anderson@musicnorth.org)
Participant in Round Table Panel 'Culture'

Andreosso-O’Callaghan, Bernadette (University of Limerick, bernadette.andreosso@ul.ie)
EU Economic Relations with the Countries of Central Asia
The five countries of Central Asia (e.g. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) have greatly developed their economic ties with the EU since they acquired their independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. Economic association with the EU has culminated with the signing of various Partnership Cooperation Agreements, which, in most cases, entered into force in 1999. The PCAs provide for a framework permitting the development of a market economy. Trade between the EU and the Central Asia Countries is of a dual nature with EU imports being concentrated on raw materials such as energy products and cotton, and EU exports taking the form of machinery and chemicals. In particular, the increasing reliance of the EU on the region for its supply of oil and gas should be highlighted.
This article is aimed at analyzing the nature of the evolving economic links forged between the EU and the five countries since the early 1990s. The emphasis will be placed on trade,  investment and economic cooperation. Representing a bridge towards Asia, which is an increasingly key economic partner for the EU, Central Asia is however becoming strategically important for the EU, and this is being reaffirmed by the current enlargements.
Statistical information on trade and investment flows between the EU and Central Asia will help determine, through various indices, the emerging comparative advantages of these countries.  Modelling techniques will enable to measure the economic impact of EU trade and investment on their economic growth.

Archer, Clive (Manchester Metropolitan University, car1963068@aol.com)
Norway as an EU Outsider?
The paper examines the problems facing Norway as a small states that is not a full member of the European Union and its attempts to adapt itself to the dominant position of the EU in a number of policy areas. It considers the Norwegian reluctance to join the EU and the extent that it has reflected material interests within the country or more a perception of Norway as a small but exceptional country. How has the country attempted to adapt within the EEA, Schengen and with the ESDP? What factors may change the approach on Norway and lead it towards full membership?

Archer, Clive (Manchester Metropolitan University, car1963068@aol.com)
Chair of Panel 'EU External Relations'
Chair of Panel 'Enlargement'

Ardy, Brian (South Bank University, ardybm@sbu.ac.uk)
The Lisbon Strategy and the ‘Quality’ of Fiscal and Labour Market Policies in the European Union
The Lisbon Strategy aims to make the European Union the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world, capable of sustainable economic growth with more and better jobs and greater social cohesion by 2010. The concept of quality is essential to the logic of the Lisbon Strategy.  First, quality links labour market reform and the fight against poverty and social exclusion through a series of economic and social indicators. Second, the idea of quality fuses the composition of and priorities for government expenditure with the goals of the Lisbon Strategy. This paper compares the quality on labour market reform across member states and investigates the inherent tension in EU fiscal policy between expenditure priorities and budget deficit restrictions.
[Joint paper with Dermot Hodson, London School of Economics and John Morley, European Commission]

Ardy, Brian (South Bank University, ardybm@sbu.ac.uk)
Chair of Panel 'The ECB, Stability and Growth'

Arikan, Harun (Kahramanmaraþ Sütçü Ýmam University, Turkey, harunarikan@hotmail.com)
Turkey in the EU Accession Process: A Critical Analysis of the EU Policy towards Turkey since the Helsinki Summit in 1999
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Armstrong, John (University of Limerick, john.armstrong@ul.ie)
Courting the Dragon
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Averre, Derek (University of Birmingham, d.l.averre@bham.ac.uk)
So Far, No Further? The Limits of Putin's European Engagement
While Russia no longer feels insecure in political-military terms in its relations with the Euro-Atlantic community, and while its participation in the anti-terror campaign has met its immediate security needs, the limits of its 'pro-Western' policy have already been reached. A strong perception of Russia as a separate international actor with its own national interests; a reluctance to cede sovereignty over important areas of its internal development; and, in the context of continuing structural problems in the national economy, a reluctance to admit extensive economic penetration by external actors make further integration into the European mainstream unlikely. Security partnerships with NATO and the EU, while providing a measure of stability in external relations, do little to address key internal security challenges and threats from instability in the south. Given the fluid international situation, in particular uncertainty about the future of the European Security and Defence Policy and NATO's post-11 September role, a lack of cohesion among Russia's national elites and Moscow's limited political resources a continuation of Putin's pragmatic but limited policy of engagement can be expected.

Averre, Derek (University of Birmingham, d.l.averre@bham.ac.uk)
Chair of Panel 'Looking East: The EU, Russia and China'

B

Bache (Chair)  |  Balli  |  Barbato  |  Barnes I  |  Barnes I (Chair)  |  Barnes P  |  Barnes P (Chair)  |  Baudner  |  Benedetto  |  Bengtson  |  Bergman 1  |  Bergman 2  |  Boca  |  Bono  |  Brown  |  Buonfino  |  Burch  |  Burns

Bache, Ian (University of Sheffield, i.bache@sheffield.ac.uk)
Chair of Panel 'Europeanization and British Politics and Policy-Making'

Balli, Volker (European University Institute, Italy, vballi@iue.it)
Identifying an Emerging Polity Through Human Rights, Democracy and Diversity: The Discursive Construction of the EU as a Community of Values
The entry of European integration into a stage of polity building necessitated a shift of both public-political as well as academic discourse towards issues of constitutionalism, democracy, legitimacy and (collective) identity. This paper will analyse the specific attempt to construct a political identity for the EU in official EU discourse in the late 1990s. It will argue that this identity construction is of a 'thin', non-cultural, civic kind: the EU is identified with constitutive values, namely the protection and promotion of Human Rights, Democracy and Cultural Diversity. This process of identification – which is the key concept employed - has developed synchronically in three distinct discursive fields, relating to the internal (Constitutional debate, Charter of Fundamental Rights), the liminar (enlargement) and the external (EU as an international actor) dimensions of the EU polity. These discursive fields relate to specific policy contexts, which have their specific impact on the meaning and substance of the core identifying values. The paper will analyse how the specific construction of the these values – and the relation in which they stand to each other – differs in the three fields. Far from any clear European identity, the resulting identification of the polity in its entirety is thus ambiguous and tension-ridden.

Barbato, Mariano (University of Birmingham, mariano@barbato.de)
European Argumentation
Multi-level governance approaches as well as intergovernmentalism understand the EU as a negotiation process. Middle-ground constructivism as well as neo-utilitarian approaches explain this interaction by variables such as interests, ideas, problem-solving intentions. Foucauldian postmodernism, by contrast, deconstructs the dominant argumentation to hear the marginalized voices.
Referring to a Wittgensteinian approach of constructivism and to Rorty’s pragmatic postmodernism, I investigate argumentation as a self-referential process. Self-referentiality does not imply a notion of impenetrability. The European argumentation is of course influenced and interrupted by domestic discussions as well by different discourses of a global scale. Nevertheless, I claim that a lasting argumentation such as the European one can be understood from inside its own perspective by a close look at the rules and arguments, which have become legitimate during its practice of arguing.
The ongoing process of argumentation implies gradual and steady change. Over time, the process might weaken the legitimacy of one argument or might lead to a collision of two legitimate arguments. Through a focus on the argumentation process and the implied arguments, possible change might be more easily anticipated. Thus, actors taking part in the argumentation are better equipped to either stabilise the practice or foster change.

Barnes, Ian (University of Lincoln, ibarnes@lincoln.ac.uk)
Proximity Policy and Enlargement: The Problem of Consistency
The enlargement of the EU will take, what was an organisation bounded by the geopolitics of the cold war, into one which stretches across the whole landmass. The organisation will become more heterogeneous internally and will come into contact with a series of problem areas created by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the eternal instability of the Middle East. Romano Prodi, the President of the Commission, has responded to these developments by calling for the creation of a proximity policy that deals with a “ring of friends”. This is a reasonable aspiration, but is it achievable?
This paper suggests that the reality of any EU proximity policy may continue to amount to a series of differing practices only driven along with very general guidelines. It will do so by looking at the enlargement process and its impact on external borders. It will then focus upon the arrangements that the EU has already in place with a series of partners that surround it. Finally it will evaluate Prodi’s attempt to define a Proximity Policy based upon the model of the European Economic Area (EEA).

Barnes, Ian (University of Lincoln, ibarnes@lincoln.ac.uk)
Chair of Panel 'Germany, the UK and European Security'

Barnes, Pamela (University of Lincoln, pbarnes@lincoln.ac.uk)
Nuclear Safety Management in the European Union: Running to Catch Up with the Accession States
“It would be paradoxical to say the least if the EU were to monitor nuclear safety in the new Member States but not in the rest of the EU.” With this comment Commissioner de Palacio introduced a long awaited strategy on nuclear safety for the enlarged EU in November 2002.
This paper investigates the unique role of the European Commission in the development of nuclear safety standards in the accession states that has provided the much-needed impetus for the new strategy on nuclear safety. There is a danger that a “two-tier” approach to nuclear safety might result if the current Member States continue to apply different national standards at their nuclear installations. Within the EU the use of nuclear technology for civilian purposes is subject to the terms of the EURATOM Treaty and as a result the EU does have many powers and policy measures at its disposal in this area. The European Commission performs the pre-eminent role in the management of the safety of the EU’s nuclear electricity industry. But one major area, which is not covered in the EURATOM Treaty, is the safety of the installations themselves. Yet the European Commission has been actively engaged in the development of measures to ensure the safety of nuclear installations in the accession states. A role made more unusual for the Commission as during the early stages of the process, the accession states were not even candidate states for EU membership!

Barnes, Pamela (University of Lincoln, pbarnes@lincoln.ac.uk)
Chair of Panel 'Globalization, Integration and Social Construction'
Chair of Panel 'Environmental Policy-Making'

Baudner, Joerg (University of Birmingham, j_baudner@hotmail.com)
The Critical Junctures of National Integration
After the German unification the question whether Eastern Germany could become a new mezzogiorno has been discarded. Recently economists and economic sociologist paid renewed attention to this comparison (Locke/Trigilia 2001, Sinn/Westermann 2002). This paper will argue that the common characteristic of Eastern Germany and Southern Italy is the lack of an endogenous developmental model. National integration provides economic restraints for the less developed part on one hand, but political incentives for state-oriented development strategies on the other. The regulatory framework of the more developed region severely hinders the economic development of the less developed part, whilst it offers significant resources for state intervention. Whilst in Southern Italy these resources have been channeled through clientelistic links, in Eastern Germany an extensive provision of state services is supported by a value orientation inherited from the former GDR.
The paper will in particular distinguish among three stages. The initiation of national integration as the critical juncture is followed by a  period during, which national integration is conceived of as a positive-sum game, spending on infrastructure and state subsidies has a Keynesian effect and increases economic growth even (more) in the more developed region. In a third period perception switches to a negative-sum game despite a significant equalisation of the living standard. In this period, state intervention is increasingly  regarded as inefficient by the more developed region of the nation-state, whilst the less developed part feels degraded.

Benedetto, Giacomo (London School of Economics, g.benedetto@lse.ac.uk)
Consensus Rather than Competition: The Survival of the European Parliament as a Consensual Body
The paper challenges the prevailing view that the European Parliament divides along ideological lines. Although the extent of left-right division between the political groups has increased since the passing of the Maastricht Treaty, not least with regard to competition for the presidency of the Parliament and in nomination hearings for the European Commission, the competition on issues of policy remains negligible. Analysis of voting behaviour, according to policy area under the cooperation and codecision procedures, reveals that the real competition on policy detail continues to be that of Parliament against the Council of Ministers.

Bengtson, Christina (University of Glasgow, christina@tohunga.co.uk)
National Parliaments in European Decision-making: A Real Prospect or Wishful Thinking?
During the last couple of years, interest in national parliaments and their participation in European matters has increased greatly. This interest in, and concern with, the role of national parliaments is evident in the establishment of the Convention's working group on national parliaments, chaired by Gisela Stewart. Direct involvement by national parliaments at the European level is a novel - and very controversial - idea. This paper looks at how such involvement has, and might be further, developed. Supranational modes of cooperation by national parliaments, such as COSAC and the Speakers' Conference, will be investigated, while the final report (content and reception) of the Convention's Working Group IV will also be analysed.
For national parliamentarians to become effective at the European level, scrutiny of European affairs at the national level would have to be effective, involving politicians knowledgeable of European affairs. A brief introduction of scrutiny systems at the national level will thus follow, with case studies from Denmark, Italy and the UK. A comparison of the effectiveness and democratic aspects of national parliaments' involvement in Community affairs at both the national and supranational levels will conclude the paper.

Bergman, Annika (University of Edinburgh, a.bergman@ed.ac.uk)
Post-Cold War Shifts in Swedish Security Policy: The Incompatibility of Neutrality and EU Membership?
The broad objective of this paper is to critically examine changes in Swedish security policy in the post-Cold era. The general argument is that the country’s defence and security doctrine has recently undergone a period of significant change by placing increasingly more emphasis on regional conflict prevention and European crisis management. At first glance, this is hardly surprising since the country has a longstanding commitment to international security and peacekeeping. Yet, the level of Sweden’s engagement in new forms of  security and defence co-operation has risen beyond expectation. This trend is particularly evident  in the country’s  support for a  more active European crisis management capacity as well as its endorsement of  the establishment of the Union’s Rapid Reaction Force (RRF).
The paper raises a number of important issues. First, it examines the underpinning motives behind the Sweden’s active stand on European crisis management and other forms of security co-operation. In doing so the paper addresses the normative shift in Swedish security discourse through a social constructivist lens. Second, it seeks to address the wider question whether non-alignment is compatible with EU membership? Is there an expectation on part of  non-aligned member states to move away from their embedded security policy traditions? If so, what effects may this have on their wider foreign policy commitments? Will Sweden’s internationalist tradition be damaged or further strengthened by its active support for the EU’s crisis management capacity?
[Joint paper with Christine Agius, Lancaster University]

Bergman, Annika (University of Edinburgh, a.bergman@ed.ac.uk)
Nordic Enlargement Policy: A Normative Exercise
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Boca, Irina (Carleton University, Canada, irinaboca@aol.com)
Europe: A Ghost or a Promise?
Unfortunately, this paper appears to have been withdrawn.

Thirty years ago H. Arendt wrote a book entitled “Between Past and Future”, which at the time seemed to point to the paradoxical position of a thinker attempting to overcome tradition by resuscitating modern consciousness and restoring ancient ethics. Today, it is a matter of course to take that particular stance and turn it into an effective administrative procedure performed by political parties, policy-makers and international organisms. Caught between more or less covert versions of conservatism and communism, both of which seemed inadequate for the task of the future in the eyes of someone like Nietzsche, today’s Europe, arguably a Straussian (Leo) version of its recent past, seems to wonder whether the Berlin wall has really fallen, or has remained in place, as a troublesome ghost hunting the money making industries - i.e all industries, including knowledge, since the production of wealth has become synonymous to the production of truth (M. Foucault). There is much criticism directed against the contemplative role played by Europe in the context of the emerging American Empire, and much criticism directed towards the economy of freedom provided by the post-modern adjustment of modern Europe. Unlike the United States, where a more radical form of modernism has taken root, Europe appears to accommodate  the production of liberating formulas corresponding to, but not identified with, the role attributed to the former after the Second World War. The aim of the present paper is to gage the alternatives offered by various theoretical endeavours, which seem to gain contemporary intelligibility by virtue of their converging aims, and expose their limitations based on the constant divergence of their less appealing implications. From the ideological elite envisioned by Nietzsche to Heidegger’s lack of space for political theory, from Foucault’s vision of panoptical Europe to A. Negri’s and M. Hardt’s vision of empire, from modernity to post-modernity through Western and Eastern European doubts, the political spectrum seems to constitute itself as an ideological ‘in-between’, situating Europe in a paradoxical position. The radicalism of the views and the implications of such a position seem to point beyond the present, towards an indefinite past and perhaps an equally indefinite future. Yet, what does it mean to think and act in the present?

Bono, Giovanna (University of Bradford, g.bono@bradford.ac.uk)
Reforming the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP): The Role of Parliamentary Assemblies
Since the establishment of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), formally agreed at the Nice Summit in December 2000, the EU Convention and other commentators have emphasised the lack of parliamentary assemblies’ involvement in fully scrutinizing the new policy. However, at present, there is no in-depth case study of the challenges of democratic accountability in ESDP. Moreover, the potential impact of the key proposals discussed by the EU Convention on the parliamentary scrutiny of the ESDP has not been sufficiently debated.
Taking as a starting point of analysis a notion of democratic accountability that is based on an imaginary model of liberal democracy in which parliament is the sovereign and is the embodiment of the ‘will of the people’, the paper has therefore two aims.  First, to evaluate the key proposals put forward in the framework of the EU Convention that have an impact on the forms and powers allocated to parliamentary assemblies in scrutinising the ESDP; second, to outline and assess some preliminary findings of on-going research on how formal and informal mechanisms of parliamentary scrutiny operated (or were absent) during the decisions to launch the first ESDP operations in Bosnia and Macedonia.

Brown, David (Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, bathgate1@hotmail.com)
The EU and September 11th: A New Counter-Terrorist Framework?
In the wake of the events of September 11^th, increased attention has been paid to the contribution that each of the European security organisations can make to counter what has been described as the prevailing security threat of the 21^st Century, namely international terrorism.  This paper seeks to assess the specific contribution made by the EU in the field of counter-terrorism. The central thesis of this paper is that, even in the wake of the worst terrorist attack in recent history, the member states have failed to address in full the underlying problems inherent in an EU response.
The paper firstly outlines the contours of the EU-specific approach to counter-terrorism in the wake of September 11^th.  It then goes on to consider in more depth the two central contention of the thesis, namely the continued failure of the EU to resolve the outstanding problems within its own counter-terrorist proposals.  Rather than consider this to be a turning point, as has been suggested in much of the literature, this paper suggests that little practical difference has been made.  This shall be demonstrated by a detailed comparison of the EU’s counter-terrorist provisions pre and post September 11^th.

Buonfino, Alessandra (Cambridge University, ab358@cam.ac.uk)
Between Unity and Plurality: The Politicisation and Securitisation of the Discourse of Immigration in the European Union
Immigration has always been at the heart of controversy in the history of human societies and, most recently, in the history of nation-states. The aim of this paper is, firstly, to help going at the heart of the ‘problem’ of mass migration in Europe by investigating how the ‘politicisation’ of migration is created at the national level and by discussing the mutually conditioning relationships between public opinion, mass media, identity politics and fear in the evolution of immigration policy discourse in the Member States of the European Union (with particular emphasis on UK and Italy). Secondly, the paper questions how and why the conceptualisation of migration as a security concern has become dominant in European countries and whether there has been a shift between the way immigration is addressed in Member states’ policies and the way the European Union is now confronting the issue (since the Amsterdam treaty).
Is the European Union approaching immigration with a ‘new vision’? Adopting a discourse theoretical approach, the paper argues that the inevitability of the politicisation of immigration derives from the inescapable contradiction between democratic equality and plurality and that the discourse type of securitisation of migration has emerged as the hegemonic discourse in Member states, produced by the interplay of publics, media and governments and aimed at the preservation of existing power structures and socio-political boundaries. The paper then concludes that the national discourse on immigration as a security concern is reflected and re-adopted (but carefully re-articulated) by the European Union.

Burch, Martin (University of Manchester, martin.burch@man.ac.uk)
Europeanization and the English Regions
This paper examines the concept of europeanization and applies it to the handling of European Union policies by the English regions.  Drawing on evidence from north west and south west England, it argues that the formulation and delivery of structural funds programmes, specifically those relating to the European regional development fund, had an important initiating effect in the process of English regionalisation.  It moves on to consider how the creation of new institutions in the late 1990s opened up the opportunity space for increased regional engagement with the EU.  The paper explores how the English regions have organised themselves to exploit these opportunities and how they have responded to developments in other areas of European public policy.
[Joint paper with R Gomez, University of Manchester]

Burns, Charlotte (University of Sheffield, c.burns@sheffield.ac.uk)
The Sheep, the Seeds, Soya and Maize: An Analysis of the Evolution of the EU Biotechnology Policy
In recent years EU biotechnology policy has become increasingly controversial. From the late 1980s to the early 1990s biotechnology remained relatively insulated from political controversy with decision-making dominated by experts and technocrats. However, the appearance of new food products and advances in the applications of genomics, combined with public fears about the new technologies led to the politicisation of this policy area: a proposal for patenting biotechnological inventions was rejected in 1995, more recently several states have imposed a moratorium on the planting of genetically-modified crops, and the US has threatened the EU with trade sanctions over the issue. Yet despite the growth of EU biotechnology legislation and this policy area's high profile there are still surprisingly few political studies of this sector. This paper will redress this imbalance in the literature by analysing the evolution of the EU's biotechnology policy in order to determine how and why this sector has changed direction. A historical institutionalist approach will be used and it will be argued that the main explanatory variables for the developmental trajectory of this policy sector include a dispute over regulatory-style, inter-institutional rivalry and public suspicion of state-sponsored science.

C

Church (Chair)  |  Cini  |  Cini (Chair)  |  Cohen A  |  Cohen S  |  Corbett  |  Corsane  |  Cramme  | Cross | Csaki

Church, Clive (University of Kent, c.h.church@ukc.ac.uk)
Chair of Panel 'The European Convention 1'

Cini, Michelle (University of Bristol, michelle.cini@bris.ac.uk)
The Reform of the European Commission in 2003: Why a Cultural Perspective Matters?
Although a discrete literature on the impact of cultural factors within the European institutions is in the making, there is as yet no consensus on the extent to cultural factors within the institutions themselves shape the attitudes and behaviour of European officials. With regard to the Commission, for example, on the one hand, Hooghe has argued that external factors impinged much more on the attitudes and preferences of (top) Commission officials than have internal pressures of socialization. On the other, Egeberg has stressed how the attitudes and beliefs of Commission officials change (and perhaps become ‘Europeanised’) through their participation in the European integration project. Conventionally, two branches of literature on ‘culture’ has been applied to studies of the European Commission. From this theoretical point of departure, the paper will address the following question: How is political culture within the European institutions likely to affect the future European integration process? To answer this question, the paper will consider the impact of cultural factors on the Commission reform exercise to date. The paper will provide an opportunity for the presentation of some early analysis derived from a new study of Commission reform.

Cini, Michelle (University of Bristol, michelle.cini@bris.ac.uk)
Chair of Panel 'New Governance and Regionalism'

Cohen, Antonin (London School of Economics and Political Science, a.cohen@lse.ac.uk)
Does History Repeat? A Constitution for Europe, 1953 and 2003
Does history repeat? This Paper will propose a historical comparison between the Constitution drafted in 1953 by the Ad Hoc Assembly convened within the framework of the European Coal and Steel Community and creating a European Political Community, and the present project of a Constitution drafted by the European Convention. The paper will give an historical account of the drafting of the Constitution of 1953, based on an ongoing research in the Historical Archives of the European Communities, focusing on political networks analysis – with a specific attention to collective and individual actors like Paul-Henri Spaak, both presiding over the Ad Hoc Assembly and the European Movement, Fernand Dehousse, a member of the «constitutional committee» of the Assembly and also chairman of the «study committee for the European Constitution» of the European Movement, or the Harvard Professor Robert Bowie, author of the Studies in Federalism, first published as a series of reports for the study committee with a grant from the American Committee on United Europe. The paper will then propose a comparison between the Constitution of 1953 and the Constitution of 2003 and address the question of their “federal” character. This comparison will illustrate the general process of institutionalization of the European Union.

Cohen, Sarah (University of Sheffield, trp01sec@sheffield.ac.uk)
Environmental Sustainability and Structural Funds: Institutions and Agents in the South Yorkshire Objective 1
It is now widely recognised that economic growth brings the risk of environmental damage, so environmental protection is an inherent part of any sustainable policy. More recently, the environmental and economic importance of transport has been recognised and it is now subject to regulation at European, national, regional and local levels to achieve sustainability goals. This paper will assess the different factors which affect how environmental sustainability is integrated into structural fund programmes by examining how the South Yorkshire Objective 1 programme seeks to achieve its transport objectives.
I begin by identifying some of the key institutions, agents and relationships within the Objective 1 programme, comparing official documentation and agents perceptions. This reveals that in addition to operating through formal institutional frameworks, the agents have also created informal networks and processes to achieve their goals. Clearly the role of agents in achieving programme objectives may be central to the success or failure of attempts at environmental integration. However, an examination of the transport projects which are supported by the programme, regardless of agents’ activities, suggest that ultimately it is the institutional structure which restricts the integration of environmental sustainability.

Corbett, Anne (London School of Economics and Political Science, a.corbett@lse.ac.uk)
A Window on the EC Policy Process: EC Higher Education, from Idea to Policy Decisions, 1955-95
This paper responds to the reiterated demand by EU specialists for good empirical studies of the EC/EU policy process. Its prime purpose is to deepen historical understanding of Community policy-making. Derived from a study of EC policy-making on higher education over four decades, the paper takes three higher education outcomes: (i) the Treaty of Rome EAEC, 1957, permitting the creation of a university institute (ii) the 1971 decision by EC ministers that they would cooperate on EC education issues, along with the parallel intergovernmental decision to create the European University Institute (iii) the 1987 Erasmus Decision, 1987. The research episode is conceptualised in terms of an agenda setting model, and written up as a historical narrative of the inter-linkage of the events and activities which enabled the higher education issue to advance. This proves a powerful methodology for explaining how and why the EC/EU developed a higher education policy. A second purpose of the paper is to show how the application of a relatively codified explanatory framework of the policy process might set the stage for generalisation about aspects of the policy-making process in the EC/EU.

Corsane, Gerard (University of Newcastle, g.e.corsane@ncl.ac.uk)
Participant in Round Table Panel 'Culture'

Cramme, Olaf (London Metropolitan University, ocramme@gmx.net)
The European Union and its New Neighbours: Impacts of Enlargement and EU Policies Towards Russia, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Cross, Eric (University of Newcastle), eric.cross@ncl.ac.uk
Chair of Round Table Panel 'Culture'

Csaki, Sebastian (Cambridge University, smc46@cam.ac.uk)
The Evolution of German Security and Defence Policy: German Elites and the Development of ESDI/ESDP
Since 1991 Germany’s security and defence policy has changed considerably, particularly with regards to military interventions. Two interlinked questions will be addressed in this paper: How and why did Germany’s security and defence policy change so dramatically and secondly what role did the EU play in legitimising these changes. This paper will analyse how Germany has moved beyond the foreign and security policy behaviour of a Civilian Power, retaining many attributes of the old role but with significant changes in its use of, and attitudes towards, security and defence policy. This paper will argue that this change happened for two interlinked reasons: key German policymakers envisioned a more secure Europe based on an integrated Europe. As a result these policymakers had to develop the twin pillars of proving Germany would be a central and reliable partner not only in a ‘civilian’ sense, but in a military sense. Hence the German governing elites pushed for an Europeanization of security and defence. Post-1998, after a change of government, Germany’s role in military interventions abroad increased dramatically with the Kosovo war. At the same time, Germany continued to push for European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) while holding the double WEU/ EU presidencies. In the process, the rationale for the ESDP process widened. Today ESDP is proving very helpful in defining German security and defence strategy and both elites and public accept the need for ESDP missions with German participation. The paper will draw on the Civilian Power concept to frame the analysis and is based in large parts on research interviews carried out in Berlin in the spring of 2002. 

D

Daguerre  |  Dangerfield  |  Dauncey (Chair)  |  Davis  |  Dearden  |  Dearden (Chair)  |  Diez (Chair)  |  Domocos  |  Dormann

Daguerre, Anne (University of Kent at Canterbury, a.daguerre@ukc.ac.uk)
Beyond Gridlock in the European Employment Strategy: The Open Method of Co-ordination and Policy Approaches to Long-Term Unemployment
This paper examines the extent to which the open method of co-ordination (OMC) is a viable policy instrument for achieving common social standards at the European Union (EU) level. The analysis of starkly divergent employment policies in France and Britain indicates that the OMC, defined as a soft law procedure, is a successful tool to overcome potential gridlock in decision-making and implement the European Employment Strategy (EES).
EU member states currently face the common challenge of persisting long-term unemployment due to a lack of relevant skills in a highly selective labour market and the combination of multiple economic difficulties for socially excluded groups. Member states pursue divergent trajectories in relation to long-term unemployment, as the contrasting empirical case studies of France and Britain demonstrate.  Although both countries face similar pressures, both continue to develop divergent policies. French activation policies provide occupational activities and social benefits designed to fight social exclusion. By contrast, British public authorities have implemented work-first policies based on the need to integrate as many people of working age as possible in the labour market. At the EU level, this finding suggests that the harmonisation of employment through binding legislation remains an impossible goal and thus underlines the utility of the OMC.

Dangerfield, Martin (University of Wolverhampton, m.dangerfield@wlv.ac.uk)
Integrating Croatia: The Role of Subregional Cooperation
Croatian policy on subregional cooperation seems to be driven by a mix of EU conditionality and simultaneous fear of undermining the possibility of early EU accession by too close an association with other Stability and Association Process (SAP) countries. In the context of these potentially contradictory imperatives, this paper assesses the following dimensions of Croatia’s subregional cooperation agenda:
1) The ‘regional cooperation’ obligations as set out in Title III of Croatia’s Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) and which are targeted towards the other SAP countries;
2) The broader Stability Pact (SP) for South Eastern Europe, which operates alongside and in tandem with the SAP, with special emphasis on the Working Table II which deals with 'Economic Reconstruction, Cooperation and Development’ and which has already been responsible for the network of free trade agreements which now spans the SP group of countries;
3) Contributions of longer established subregional cooperation projects, including the Central European Free Trade Area (CEFTA) Central European Initiative (CEI), South European Cooperation Initiative (SECI) etc. Special emphasis will be given to the significance of Croatia’s impending accession to CEFTA scheduled for March 2003.

Dauncey, Hugh (University of Newcastle)
Chair of Round Table 'The EU and Sport'

Davis, Peter (University of Newcastle)
Participant in Round Table Panel 'Culture'

Dearden, Stephen (Manchester Metropolitan University, s.dearden@mmu.ac.uk)
The Reform Agenda of the EU’s Development Policy
This paper reviews the response of the European Commission to a number of critical assessments of the EU’s development assistance programme. It identifies those issues that remain unresolved, including the conflicting objectives of the member states, the role of the Commission, especially that of DG Development and DG External Relation, administrative reform and the difficulties of developing objective criteria for assessing need and performance. Finally it offers an assessment of the options that may present themselves should this reform programme fail to satisfy criticism from the Member States.

Dearden, Stephen (Manchester Metropolitan University, s.dearden@mmu.ac.uk)
Chair of Panel 'Social Europe and Employment'

Diez, Thomas (University of Birmingham, t.diez@bham.ac.uk)
Chair of Panel 'Discursive Approaches to European Integration 1'
Chair of Panel 'Discursive Approaches to European Integration 2'

Domocos, Carmen (University of Oradea, Romania, law@uoradea.ro)
Romania: A Safe Border for the European Union
The perspective of the EU enlargement to the East demands efficient and effective measures, regarding the people’s free movement in the communitary space and the movement of the Romanian citizens in the EU member states.  This also includes ensuring the security of Romania’s borders.
Romania’s efforts were incarnated in the elaboration of internal laws, which describe completely the conditions in which the Romanian citizens can move in the EU and in the Schengen space (Decree No.177/2002). Other laws concern the foreigners’ status in Romania (Decree No.194/2002) and establish the requirements for entering the country, the ones for staying and working here. (Decree No.203/1999, modified by Decree No.172/2000 and approved by Decree No.550/2001). The laws that make the Romanian legislation compatible with the European one relate to the state borders and the organization and administration of the border police (Decree No. 104/2001 and Decree No.105/2001).
Our country has introduced reciprocal visas for Israel, New Zeeland, Australia, The Republic of South Africa and the majority of the African and Latin American countries. Two European countries, Slovenia and Macedonia are required visas (mutual agreements) and Russia, Ukraine and The Republic of Moldavia are on next on the list.  All these occur in the perspective of Romanian’s Eastern and North- eastern borders becoming the Eastern borders of the EU.
The Romanian Government has increased border security against illegal immigration, smuggled goods, prostitution, and slavery and has improved travel paper security for the Romanian citizens.
In the same time, Romania has manifested its interest in interregional cooperation. The initiatives came true in brotherhood conventions of the border police joined with the ones in Spain and Germany. The purpose of these conventions was to instruct the border policemen and to create an appropriate infrastructure for the demands of E.U.
The fight against transborder criminality has been materialized in a Romanian-British Unity for illegal immigration. The regional cooperation in this matter led to the establishment of some organized centers for crime fighting. Romania signed trilateral arrangements with: Austria and Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey, Ukraine and Poland, Bulgaria and Greece.
Subordinated to the same purpose, euro- regions were created to ensure transborder cooperation in various arias.  Romania had the initiative of The Regional Center For Fighting Crime (SECI), an international organism with a positive role in fighting organized crime.
Like the EU Member States, Romania signed agreements for readmission of the persons who are illegally on their territory (this includes Spain, Poland, Slovakia, France, The Czech Republic, Greece, Switzerland). Other countries are in the process of ratification (Croatia, Ireland, Slovenia, Bulgaria) or in the process of negotiation.

Dormann, Jan (University of Manchester, jan.dormann@man.ac.uk)
The Constitutional Dimension of the Proposals of the Convention Working Group on Justice and Home Affairs
I. Aims and objectives
The paper aims to investigate the constitutional dimension of the proposals of the Convention working group on Justice and Home Affairs. An analysis of the constitutional dimension will require to consider different layers of constitutionalism. The first layer, the core of any constitution, is its legitimacy. This in itself is a contentious notion. The paper will explore the question how the JHA working group addresses the question of legitimacy. Two concepts merit closer analysis: citizenship and the rights and duties of EU citizens. The balance between more community competences and the protection of civil liberties exposes the interdependence between JHA and civil liberties. The second layer to be investigated is the question of competences. This part of the paper will be subdivided in three questions:
    1. What is the scope of exclusive and shared community competences?
    2. What are the limits of community competences in the area of JHA?
    3. How does the competence catalogue compare with other constitutions with such enumerated lists of competences?
The third layer relates to the question of the wider impact of the constitutional changes: the extrinsic dimension. It will be distinguished between the outer circle, the regional circle and the community circle. The outer circle of this model represents the dynamic exchange with both non-EU regional and international constitutions as well as the intra-community impact on decision-makers at all levels. The regional circle relates to (future) candidate countries such as Turkey. The intra-community circle relates to the question to what extent the new constitutional settlement for JHA has an effect on the output of policy-makers so as to facilitate a higher level of European integration in this area.
II. Expected outcomes
The paper will argue that the new constitutional settlement as proposed by the working group on JHA will have an impact on all three layers investigated. The issue of legitimacy is closely linked to the question of guaranteeing home security while maintaining a high level of civil liberties. The second layer indicates that the Community competences will increase in the area of JHA. This can be explained by the importance of a stronger community role following the success of the internal market and the decision to admit new member states in Eastern Europe. The third layer is more difficult to measure and quantify. However, the historical and comparative approach will suggest that the impact on the third layer level is equally significant. It follows that JHA is a strong indicator for the great potential impact of the new constitutional settlement on European integration and beyond the geographical boundaries of the European Union.
III. Methodology
The proximity in time with the developments of the Convention allows an analysis that closely follows the historical documents of the Convention and its deliberations. To predict the constitutional impact of the changes to JHA, the impact of previous changes in the last 10 years will be compared to the nature and the scope of the proposed changes to be finalised this year. The historical analysis will be supplemented with a comparative analysis drawing from other constitutional settlements (the USA and Germany). Both the historical and the comparative analysis will be inter-disciplinary.

E

Edwards (Chair)  |  Erdos

Edwards, Geoffrey (University of Cambridge, gre1000@cam.ac.uk)
Chair of Panel 'Referendums: From Theory to Practice'

Erdos, Istvan (Eötvös Loránd University, Hungary, erdos_istvan@yahoo.com)
One Europe: One Language?
The aim of the paper is to provide a survey on a not too many times mentioned but much more important issue of European integration: namely the question of the maintenance of cultural and linguistic diversity of the European nations and cultures. The paper focuses on the impact of legal harmonisation on the national languages (and cultures). The paper consists of three parts. In the first part a short analysis can be found on the importance of national languages and their diversity at the beginning of the 21^st century, the role they played and still playing in the European culture. Part two covers those issues of the language question which bear legal relevance: eg. the dilemma between the official languages and working languages, the impact of any legal or administrative regulation on the use of languages at national and European dimension, the relationship between the interest in the maintenance of national cultural diversity and the internal market principles, the influence of the Community institutions on the use of national languages, the sensitive question of protection of minority languages etc. In part three the future of national languages regarding the enlargement will be examined (eg. after the last enlargement the English languages jumped to the leading role since the new Member States preferred this language and eg. the French. Next year, when ten new countries will join to the European Union the question will raise with higher relevance considering the fact that in the candidate countries the spread of English language is much higher than that of any other languages – not even mentioning eg. the German language). In addition, the paper also examines the influence of the used languages on the national cultures and the thinking of both citizens and decision makers.

F

Fairbrass  |  Fairbrass (Chair)  |  Fallon  |  Foster  |  Forysinski  |  Frangakis

Fairbrass, Jenny (University of East Anglia, j.fairbrass@uea.ac.uk)
The Europeanization of Interest Representation: A Strategic Decision-making Analysis of UK Business and Environmental Interests
The point of departure for this paper is that the European Union (EU) has impacted on national politics, policies and polities and, as a result of this process of Europeanization, relationships between state and non-state actors and between different tiers of governance have been affected.  To test these contentions, this paper explores the relationships between state and non-state actors in the UK and the EU.  It draws on substantial qualitative empirical data to compare the interest representation behaviour of UK based firms and environmental groups in order to determine how, to what extent and why Europeanization has affected them.  The activities displayed by the two sets of interests are contrasted in terms of their chosen lobbying targets, routes and allies, and the timing and character of interaction.  Ideas and tools drawn from management science (i.e. strategic decision making analyses) are employed to assist in deriving the causal explanations for the Europeanized patterns of behaviour.  It is argued that a combination of the three strategic decision making factors (i.e. internal organizational resources, objectives and external political environments) assist in explaining the contrasting behaviour of the firms and environmental groups.

Fairbrass, Jenny (University of East Anglia, j.fairbrass@uea.ac.uk)
Chair of Panel 'Regions and Policy-Making'

Fallon, Grahame (University College Northampton, grahame.fallon@northampton.ac.uk)
The Development of the New TACIS Arrangements and Their Implications for EU/Russia Relations
The paper examines the development of the new TACIS arrangements and their implications for Russia. It explores how far the new programme has adapted to the political and economic realities on the ground and the problems that may be confronted. Historically TACIS has had limited success, due in part to the failure of the EU to appreciate the political and economic culture of the Russian Federation. The new TACIS programme demonstrates a higher degree of sensitivity, but is still likely to meet with difficulties due to a conflict of objectives between Russian (regional) elites, the Russian government and the EU.
The paper examines how far the new TACIS arrangements still reflect problems with the design and implementation of EU policy and the likelihood of difficulties in reconciling EU priorities with Russian perspectives. It considers the current spread and focus of TACIS projects and their value to the two sides. These issues are examined in the context of Russian expectations of foreign aid and the role that these expectations play in the design of TACIS projects and in the take up of funding. The paper concludes by examining the role played by TACIS in the overall development of EU/Russia relations.
[Joint paper with Alan Jones, University College Northampton]

Foster, Ken (University of Warwick, ken.foster@warwick.ac.uk)
Sport as a Cultural Commodity in the European Union
It has argued that globalised sport is typified by minimal legal regulation or a pattern of self-regulation. This means that transnational governing bodies of sport are immune from close legal regulation. The alternative to globalised self-regulation that has the most potential is regional regulation. Such regulation can directly help to preserve national identity in sport and resist the commercial pressures that globalise sport.
The best example of such regional regulation of sport is the European Union. It is said that European sport has a distinctive pattern of organisation and governance, which protects the specific and unique cultural values of European sport.
The paper will describe the tension, especially within the Commission, between treating sport in the same manner as any other commodity and granting it an exemption from regulation because of its unique social and cultural character. It will describe recent action by the Commission over sporting issues, such as the collective marketing by UEFA of the broadcasting rights to the Champions’ League, the legality of cross-border leagues, and the need to separate the regulatory and marketing functions within the governing bodies of sport.

Forysinski, Wojciech (Eastern Mediterranean University, North Cyprus, wojciech.forysinski@emu.edu.tr)
Accession of Northern Cyprus to the European Union
Assuming it is eventually accepted, the Annan Plan for the comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem might create “the new state of affairs”, including Cyprus accession to the European Union. Should the Foundation Agreement be approved, Northern Cyprus would have to meet the challenge of fulfillment of the conditions of accession, including alignment of its domestic law with the acquis communautaire.
This article aims to assess the extent to which Northern Cyprus, or Turkish Cypriots “component state”, has to meet the accession criteria, and focuses on special measures which are likely to be adopted to accommodate Northern Cyprus and to enhance its administrative capacity and economic performance.
Should the Foundation Agreement not be approved, this article would also assess the consequences of its rejection for the EU-Northern Cyprus relations.  

Frangakis, Marica (National Bank of Greece, frangaki@otenet.gr)
Financial Integration: The Case of Greece
Greece is a typical case of a small, less developed, relatively open economy, heavily administered by the state for the greatest part of the 20^th century.  The financial system – comprising until recently a small number of large state banks – played a significant role in the development of the Greek economy in terms of channeling funds and, even more importantly, implementing government policy.
Joining the EU in the early 1980s acted as a catalyst for the Greek financial system, in the sense that it marked the beginning of a long series of mainly structural changes, which are still going on.  The Single Market Project in the late 80s and the Single Currency Project in the early 90s further intensified the pace of change.  Today, more than twenty years later, the Greek financial system has been transformed quite significantly, at least in terms of outward appearances.  For example, the presence of state banks is dwindling, while that of non-bank institutions is increasing.  Similarly, the Greek stock market is closely following international developments, with a tendency to err on the side of exaggeration – booming spectacularly in the late 90s, only to dip quite low in the past few years.
However, how can integration be defined and, if possible, measured?  How far has it actually proceeded? With what implications for the economy and for society at large?  These are some of the questions that we will be dealing with in the proposed paper.  To the extent that Greece may by now be considered to be an "old" EU member state, there may be some lessons of pertinence to "new" ones.

G

Goldner  |  Gomez  |  González  |  Gooch  |  Goodman (Chair)  |  Grahl (Chair)

Goldner, Iris (University of Zagreb, Croatia, igoldner@pravo.hr)
Treatment of Asylum and Immigration Policies in the Enlargement Negotiations: “Take it or Leave it Strategy”?
The paper analyses and critically comments upon the dynamics of the enlargement process in the light of negotiating asylum and immigration policy fields, as part of Justice and Home Affairs Chapter. Although originally limited to mainly bilateral and intergovernmental co-operation, with the changes introduced by the Treaty of Amsterdam, asylum and immigration policies have gained a genuine European dimension. They are important parts of the acquis and their adoption is a necessary condition for EU membership. The Paper discusses the interdependence between asylum, immigration and Schengen, and its effects on enlargement negotiations. The Member States’ fear of uncontrolled immigration results in the Candidate Countries’ obligation to introduce “hard” Schengen borders towards third countries, while at the same time special transitional arrangements postpone the lifting of internal borders between the old and the new Member States, thus creating a “double Schengen border”. Candidate Countries are critical towards the EU’s unilateral approach to determining accession criteria, which does not allow for any transitions or derogations in asylum and immigration, thus proving that these fields touch upon some of the most sensitive issues for Member States’ sovereignty and public opinion.

Gomez, Ricardo (University of Bristol)
Europeanization and the English Regions
This paper examines the concept of europeanization and applies it to the handling of European Union policies by the English regions.  Drawing on evidence from north west and south west England, it argues that the formulation and delivery of structural funds programmes, specifically those relating to the European regional development fund, had an important initiating effect in the process of English regionalisation.  It moves on to consider how the creation of new institutions in the late 1990s opened up the opportunity space for increased regional engagement with the EU.  The paper explores how the English regions have organised themselves to exploit these opportunities and how they have responded to developments in other areas of European public policy.
[Joint paper with Martin Burch, University of Manchester]

González, Nelson (Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium, nelson.gonzalez@att.net)
Ideational and Cultural Variables and Preference Formation in the EU: New Institutionalism and the Case of Christian Democracy
Numerous and diverse “new institutionalist” theories of European integration have emerged recently, allowing for rigorous examinations of the intersection among ideatio