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The Future of Europe:
UACES 32nd Annual Conference and 7th Research Conference
Queen's University Belfast, Monday 2nd to Wednesday 4th September 2002

Abstracts of papers to be presented at the Research sessions of the conference can be found below. The conference also includes Plenary sessions with invited speakers.

The abstracts on this page are in alphabetical order by surname. 
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2)  If not, scroll down to where the panels are listed and you can browse through their titles.

A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z

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There will be 38 panels which have been divided into five sessions at the conference. The panels are all listed below and there are links to all the paper abstracts from the panel listing.

Session 1: Monday 2nd September 2002,  15:45 - 17:00

Session 2: Tuesday 3rd September 2002,  11:00 - 12:30

Session 3: Tuesday 3rd September 2002,  14:00 - 15:30

Session 4: Tuesday 3rd September 2002,  16:00 - 17:30

Session 5: Wednesday 4th September 2002,  09:30 - 11:00

A

Agius    Andréosso-O'Callaghan    Archer    Ardy

Agius, Christine (University of Edinburgh)
Swedish Security Policy in the 21st Century: From Neutrality to Non-alignment
The end of the Cold War has seen a greater significance given to co-operative dimensions of the security policies of Western democratic states. Sweden has responded to this by actively supporting the creation of the EU’s crisis management capacity, by engaging in NATO’s PfP Programme, and by making important contributions to Baltic defence structures.  Undeniably, this has given rise to a set of important questions as to the embedded status of Swedish neutrality policy. Indeed, there is empirical evidence to suggest that Swedish security policy is nowadays defined in terms of non-alignment rather than neutrality. This paper seeks to explore this claim by investigating Swedish involvement in European security. In doing so it offers a critical analysis of recent shifts in the country’s political discourse.  In sum, the paper holds that Swedish security policy has undergone a period of normalisation, although political elites and the general public do not appear to be ready for full NATO membership. In examining this issue, the paper will raise a number of issues concerning the utility of orthodox international relations theory.  It will be argued that the Swedish neutrality/non-alignment reflects distinctive, embedded domestic social and political values.

Andréosso-O'Callaghan, Bernadette (University of Limerick)
Enlargement and Technological Change: New Challenges for Ireland
Recent developments in the area of economic trade and growth theories suggest that the persistent wealth differentials amongst countries are due to differences in knowledge. Knowledge acquisition and human capital accumulation are the over-riding preoccupation of countries eager either to catch up, or to sustain their competitive advance. In particular, Ireland has won the reputation of the EU country par excellence that has demonstrated an indisputable ability to import foreign capital and knowledge, and to allow it to spill-over successfully into its economic fabric. The ‘Irish developmental model’ is easily transposable to other countries of Europe, and already some of the ingredients explaining the Irish economic ‘miracle’ have already been introduced in candidate countries.
Our contribution will briefly evoke these major ingredients, by highlighting the importance of foreign (mostly American) capital and knowledge to Irish economic growth over the past decade; it will then analyse the degree to which the candidate countries represent a real challenge to Ireland in the years to come, given:
    (i)  the easiness with which the ‘Irish model’ can be transposed to other (mostly small and open) European economies; in particular, the importance and quality of human capital will be assessed;
    (ii) the changing economic and technological conditions in the world, and the quality of MNE (multinational enterprises) plants in Ireland, suggesting that Ireland is in fact a ‘slippery’ place for American investors (meaning that outflows of capital from Ireland may increase with the rise in production and transport costs in Ireland, and that the country lacks the knowledge expertise that would make this investment ‘sticky’).
The article will conclude with an insight into the attempts at responding to these challenges made by the Irish government so far, as well as with the remaining policy implications.

Archer, Toby (Finnish Institute of International Affairs)
Finland and NATO: Mistrust and Misapprehension, Ethics and Hypocrisy
Finland has abandoned any pretence of neutrality in its international affairs, being an active EU member, including CFSP and ESDP.  Finnish troops have served under NATO command in SFOR and KFOR, and Finland has been a leader in NATO’s PfP programme.  The traditional concept of mass, territorial defence is increasingly being quietly ‘hollowed out’ as the Finnish defence forces change doctrine towards small, highly trained, technologically advanced, deployable forces, fundamentally designed for interoperability with other EU and western militaries.
Nevertheless the official line of the government remains that Finland should not abandon its position of military non-alignment and join NATO.  The population remains resolutely hostile to NATO, and many leading politicians including the President and Foreign Minister share their suspicions.
This paper will argue that much of this Finnish mistrust is based on misapprehensions of what NATO is and a slanted view of their country’s own history.  It will discuss in the light of the NATO debate, the normative tensions apparent within Finland between concepts of universal rights and the idea of state sovereignty and bounded political communities.  It will explore the connections between security, national identity, ideas of self and other, concepts of democracy and structures of states.

Ardy, Brian (South Bank University)
Cohesion and EMU
EMU differs from other monetary unions because of the diversity of the countries and regions to which it applies. This paper will analyse the impact of EMU on one important aspect of this diversity, cohesion. The different facets of cohesion such as income and unemployment are the focus of the paper’s first section. Greater macroeconomic stability and lower interest rates should be major benefits of EMU to cohesion countries. So the assessment of the impact of EMU on cohesion, begins with a consideration of the possible effects on investment, growth and employment of this macroeconomic stability. Then the effects of the removal of the barriers to trade represented by uncertainty of exchange rates and costs of currency exchange are examined. There are two related dimensions to explore: first whether there will be further agglomeration of economic activity at the EU’s core; second the effect of greater competition on economic activity in the cohesion regions. The analysis will be extended from the short to the long run by consideration of the effect of EMU on technology and innovation. Since the EMU effect will vary among regions the paper will conclude with an enumeration of the determinants of this regional differentiation.

B

Bailey    Balli    Barnes I    Barnes P    Bartle    Benedetto    Bergman    Bicak    Bindi    Binnema    Birley    Blavoukos    Bodiroga-Vukobrat    Bono    Bourne    Brown    Budden    Burns    Bykhovskiy

Bailey, David (London School of Economics)
Explaining Social Democratic Party Policy in the European Union
This paper aims to explain the policies promoted by social democratic party policies inside the institutions of the European Union.  It argues that the promotion of a liberal economic and social policy by social democratic parties can be understood as a result of the shift to new social democracy at the national level, combined with an attempt to pursue limited re-regulation of West European capitalism in an attempt to maintain support at the domestic level from traditional interests institutionalised within social democratic parties.  It is claimed, however, that in order for policies pursued at the EU-level to be successful they must be compatible with the fragmented political authority of the EU, itself legitimated by a neo-liberal discourse of competitiveness and liberalisation.  Paradoxically, therefore, the promotion of traditional social democratic goals within the EU actually assists in the process of limiting and dismantling the organisation and collective power of the traditional social democratic interests it is designed to represent.  The validity of this argument will be illustrated through an empirical analysis of the European policies of the British Labour Party and the Party of European Socialists.

Balli, Volker (University College Dublin)
Identifying the EU via Human Rights, Democracy and Cultural Diversity
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Barnes, Ian (University of Lincoln)
EU Trade with China: An Assessment of the Impact of China’s WTO Membership
It took just over 25 years for the EU and China to finalise their trading arrangements in a way that satisfied membership criteria for the WTO. During that time China moved from being a closed economy with essentially state run industry to one that had embraces many features of capitalism and the market economy. Effectively the accession of China to the WTO gave the EU a last opportunity to legitimately press forward its trade agenda on a bilateral basis. What emerged from the negotiations was that the EU was able to gain concessions is areas where it was facing internal pressures such as agricultural surpluses and textiles. Although all trade concessions gained by one specific member within the WTO are to be shared by all, the negotiations followed a specific EU agenda. However, many of the concessions are unlikely to have a desirable impact:
    1. They are unlikely to improve access to Chinese markets.
    2. They will do little to promote transparency in Chinese trade.
    3.  The structural reform of the Chinese economy is unlikely to be enhanced.
The EU chose to gain concessions in sectors where there has been least reform within the EU. That is, although the membership of the WTO may enhance general reform of the Chinese economy, the EU’s negotiations were pragmatically based upon opportunism rather than the notion of partnership. Generally advantages gained in such circumstances tend to be short-lived

Barnes, Pamela (University of Lincoln)
How National Ethical Stances on Nuclear Energy are Being Undermined
For the first time for many years, some member states are contemplating the prospect of commissioning new nuclear power plants. This paper argues that whilst nuclear energy is considered undesirable from an ethical perspective, the openness of the European market makes its presence inevitable. Recent treaty changes plus an enhanced appreciation of the true cost of decommissioning seemed to reinforce the choice made by those countries that chose to eschew nuclear power stations. However, as the market for electricity within the European Union (EU) becomes more integrated the choice for those Member states and EU citizens who desire the phase out of the use of the nuclear technologies everywhere is disappearing.
Electricity consumption is increasing within the European Union and the level of dependency of the EU on imported energy resources will rise to 70% by 2020 (CEC 2001). The beginning of the 21^st century has been characterised by rapidly fluctuating prices for alternative methods of energy production. The assessment with respect to non-viability of nuclear generation was made during a period of lower and more stable energy prices, especially for oil. Governments were able to allow electorates to exercise their choice for a nuclear free energy policy, as cheaper alternatives were available. This is no longer the case. As costs of energy rise, the importance of the single market in electricity has grown. The focus is now on the infrastructure to transfer that electricity around the EU. Here is the dilemma of choice, how do you provide nuclear free electricity for those who want it on the transmission lines and electricity grids of the integrated market?

Bartle, Ian (University of Exeter)
The Europeanisation of Utility Regulation. What is the Potential for ‘Market Citizenship’?
The Europeanisation of utility regulation has spawned European networks of national regulators and industrial groups (e.g. in the telecommunications and energy industries). The Commission often plays a leading role in these networks and they appear to be an example of comitology which limits legitimacy and citizenship in the EU. This paper examines these in the context of the suggestions to improve democratic legitimacy raised in White Paper on Governance and the debate on the future of the EU. Key suggestions for improvement include more self regulation, ‘co-regulation’ and subsidiarity and a greater role for public interests (e.g. environmental and consumer). Despite the attempts to increase the role of public interests it is argued that the suggestions are attempts to appease industry, national governments and regulators rather than to properly address the lack of participation and legitimacy. Many key decisions will still be left to opaque national regulators and industry groups with only ad hoc and weak involvement of public interests. For the term ‘market citizenship’ to have substance the Commission and national governments have to be more proactive in incorporating public interests into the regulatory process and high profile systems for citizen information and complaints procedures should be established.

Benedetto, Giacomo (London School of Economics)
Party Competition and Office Distribution in the European Parliament, 1994-2002
The distribution of office is an area in which party groups visibly compete and ally in the European Parliament. Politicians achieve office not by campaigning for election in front of the public but by forming alliances with other politicians. The paper assesses the way in which the assignment of office has modified since 1994 and the enhancement of the Parliament’s institutional powers following Maastricht and Amsterdam. Ideological division has been caused by the exercise of new powers meaning that competition for policy-related office has consequently intensified.

Bergman, Annika (University of Sussex)
Swedish and Danish Attitudes Towards the Enlargement Process - A Case of Adjacent Internationalism?
Sweden and Denmark have often been defined as reluctant Europeans. Both states’  indecisiveness with regard to EMU membership, the Danish opt-outs from the Maastricht Treaty  as well as general public scepticism have  reinforced this perception. Both Denmark and Sweden have, nevertheless, endorsed and offered support to the imminent EU enlargement process, in particular Baltic membership. While such engagement could be considered as a way of avoiding further deepening of the Union this paper argues that it ? expression of solidarity and commitment to the future of a stable and unified Europe.
This paper seeks to develop further understanding as to the motives behind Danish and Swedish enlargement policy.  It does so through a combination of conceptual inquiry and empirical evidence, drawing up the foreign policy traditions of both states. More specifically, it seeks to show that their support of Baltic EU membership could be conceived as a regional expression of internationalism and small state solidarity.  Hence,  the paper takes issue with orthodox readings of the enlargement process by arguing for a non-realist approach.

Bicak, Hasan Ali (Eastern Mediterranean University)
Compromises in Cyprus EU Membership: Turkey and Others [joint paper with Mehmet Altinay]
Although Helsinki Council Decision (1999) appears to have enabled the membership of Cyprus to the EU, even if a solution could not be found to the Cyprus problem, efforts have been intensified after the meetings of the two leaders, Mr. Denktas and Mr. Klerides on 4^th of December 2001. At the end of the first round of meetings, although optimism is not as high as in the first day, hopes are still alive.
Turkey has been talking about the “simultaneous accession of Cyprus and Turkey to the EU” and Mr. Denktas is stressing the need of a balance between Turkey and Greece in case of a membership of Cyprus to the EU. Greece is to block the enlargement if Cyprus is not accepted. Furthermore Greece would like to have the Aegean issue to be solved before Turkey is offered a road map. This paper will analyze each of these cases and will try to find out what sort of compromises is likely to provide the best circumstances for a solution and a membership of Cyprus to the EU.

Bindi, Federiga (University of Rome)
Voting Behaviour at the European and National Level: Is There a Correspondence? A Comparitive Analysis of Italian, French, Spanish and Portuguese EPP'S Member Parties [joint paper with Alessia Mosca]
The Objective of the paper is to analyze the voting behavior of selected European People Party’s member parties from Italy, France, Spain and Portugal - both in the National and in the European Parliaments - on a number of European-related issues, in the beginning of the 1990s and in 2000.
The questions of research are:
A - Are the domestic positions of national parties consistent with their European families programs and views?
B - Is there a correspondence between parties’ voting behavior in the European Parliament and in the national Parliaments?
The hypotheses are that:
A - There is no correspondence between parties voting behavior in the European Parliament and in the national Parliaments because parties tend to vote according to national agendas’ priorities.
B - Domestic positions of the national parties tend to be consistent with their European families’s programs and views only and insofar as this presents a “domestic” convenience for them:
The empirical analisys will compare electoral manifestoes and programs for the national elections with EPP electoral manifestoes for the European elections and EPP Congresses documents: also, the voting behaviou of both MEPs and MPs will be analized concerning the negotiations and ratification of TUE (1990-92) and the negotiations and ratification of Amsterdam (1996-1997).

Binnema, Harmen (Vrije Universiteit)
European Integration and Changing Party Politics
This paper will examine to what extent political parties change due to the development of the EU polity.  Political parties are considered vital for the working of a political system: they aggregate interests, recruit candidates for office, provide ideologies and have a linkage function between the public agenda and policy outcomes. They are expected to be both responsive and accountable, and thus contribute to the legitimacy of a political system. Increasing European integration - especially over the last 15 years - leading to a situation of multi-level governance, might affect political parties and lead to an erosion of these functions. I will focus on two elements: programmatic change, as parties adapt to a new division of responsibilities between the national and the European level, and effects on accountability, as multi-level governance blurs "who is responsible for what to whom".

Birley, Sue (University of Reading)
Structural Funding in England and France: Are Some Partners More Equal Than Others?
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Blavoukos, Spyros (University of Essex)
Understanding Member-States’ Enlargement Policy-Making: The Case of Greece
The heavy bulk of literature on enlargement concentrates primarily on the implications of enlargement for the EU and/or the candidate countries with a relative lack of attention to individual member-states. This paper looks at the case of Greece in an attempt to understand the Greek enlargement policy from Copenhagen (1993) to Helsinki (1999). It examines not only foreign policy considerations but also the role of socio-economic pressure groups and the public opinion in the formation of the Greek enlargement policy by making use of Robert Putnam’s ‘two-level game’ theoretical framework. Analysis proceeds along the lines identified in the framework, taking into consideration domestic policy-making institutional structures, systemic features as well as the role of influential individuals in the process. The main argument is that the congruence of foreign policy considerations (Cyprus accession prospects; Balkan dimension; candidacy of Turkey) and socio-economic ones (support by the economic establishment in view of the emerging opportunities in the new markets) have led to a great degree of homogeneity as regards the priorities in the enlargement policy. It is argued that this homogeneity has been used to affect EU enlargement rhetoric and decisions. However, the relatively personalised system of foreign policy-making does allow space for individual interventions at the highest level and the turn of the Greek position at Helsinki (1999) can be understood in this light as the culmination of a ‘rapprochement’ effort initialised after the change of leadership in the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Bodiroga-Vukobrat, Nada (University of Rijeka)
Legal Order in Transition Countries and Adjustment According to European Law
All transition countries undergo three phases in their development from authoritarian systems into stable democracies. The first phase is “liberalism”, that is the opening of the system and the increased protection of human rights. 
The second, “democratization”, denotes the change of ruling forces. This second phase ends with the implementation of the first democratic elections.
“Consolidation” as the third phase, is the test case whether the transitive period develops into a democratic system. The implementation of the new social system falls into the third phase. It depends on the framework of institutional harmonization and is characterized by six features:
- General change; exchange of the whole order of society, economy, state; replacement of the former ruling forces, emergence of a new elite and of new political participants in the political process. Experts from the EU countries have dealt with the implementation EC law into the legal systems of transition countries.
The transition countries must adopt the ”acquis communautaire”. The success of this adjustment process depends upon numerous internal and external factors (political opportunity, economic advantages, market competition, advisory level in the reform proceedings etc).

Bono, Giovanna (University of Bradford)
Bridging the Accountability Gap in European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) [joint paper with Jocelyn Mawdsley]
In the paper we demonstrate that there is a clear accountability gap in the emerging European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). We argue that this is partly due to the specific nature of ESDP and partly to broader domestic and international political trends. We then examine the problem of democratic accountability in ESDP by focusing on the lessons learnt from two policy-areas covered by ESDP: the lessons drawn from EU/NATO Member States’ engagement in peace-keeping/peace-enforcement operations (1994-2001) and lessons learnt from co-operation in the armament sector.
The paper will then engage with some of the main proposals for reform that have recently been discussed both in the EU Convention and in national/international Assemblies for resolving the accountability gap in ESDP. We draw out the implications of the EU reform debate for ESDP. We will argue that, rather than opting for solution based on majoritarian rules, the safeguarding of the comitology system and the strengthening of executive power at the national and supranational levels, more imaginative solutions are required that rely on strengthening best practice in parliamentary oversight and reinvigorating civil society.

Bourne, Angela (University of Dundeee)
European Integration and the Politics of Accommodation in Nationally-Diverse Societies: The Case of the the Basque Country [joint paper with Rebecca Jones]
The devolution of decision-making powers to minority nations has been the major political instrument for the accommodation of national (ethno-cultural) diversity in Western Europe. European integration has, in many cases, accompanied devolution and this raises questions about the impact of the one on the other. In this paper we explore the implications of European integration for the accommodation of national difference within multi-national states by analysing the institutionalisation of practices of 'shared sovereignty' in the United Kingdom and Spain. The division of sovereignty between levels of government at different territorial levels is a principle more familiar in federal states than in regionalised unitary states like the UK and Spain. However, it is possible to argue that European integration has provided a context in which it is appropriate to consider whether the practices and institutions of shared sovereignty developed in the EU's federal states have been imported and institutionalised in regionalised states like Spain and the UK.  In the EU's federal states, the encroachment of regional powers in the course of European integration has produced a complex architecture of intergovernmental institutions and practices which effectively create a system of shared sovereignty between regional and central governments when it comes to the formation of the state's EU policies. These arrangements allow regions to contribute as co-equal partners with those of central authorities in the formation of the whole state's specific EU policies.  It is the question of whether similar practices of shared sovereignty have developed in the UK and Spain and their impact on the dynamics of conflict and co-operation between nations in multi-national states that this research addresses.

Brown, David (University of Aberdeen)
Questioning the Contribution of the European Union in the Field of Counter-terrorism: The Case of Northern Ireland
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Budden, Philip (Cabinet Office)
Understanding the European Convention
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Burns, Charlotte (University of Sheffield)
The European Commission and Co-Decision: A Study of Declining Influence
The introduction of the co-decision procedure in 1993 led to a shift in the EU's inter-institutional balance of power. A consensus has emerged that the Commission was the loser, seeing its legislative influence reduced whilst the European Parliament's power continued to grow. Yet there has been little empirical work on how the Commission has sought to deal with its new status under the co-decision procedure, or of how it behaves in conciliation. This paper will seek to redress the imbalance in current academic work by presenting empirical research on the novel foods regulation, a case where the Commission sought to press its own agenda only to be excluded from meetings between the Council and Parliament. The case will be taken as a departure point for exploring the challenges faced by the Commission under co-decision as it seeks to balance its gate-keeping prerogative with its role as a neutral arbiter. It will be suggested that the Commission does still have the potential to exercise informal agenda-setting power throughout the co-decision process but that it will be most successful when it is genuinely seeking to find agreement between the Council and Parliament, rather than trying to realise its own preferences.

Bykhovskiy, Svyatoslav (Russian Academy of Sciences)
EU Eastern Enlargement and its Impact on Russia
Luxembourg (1997) and Helsinki (1999) Summits gave a new impetus to the EU enlargement towards CEECs. The EU started accession negotiations with 12 applicant countries of CEE and Mediterranean. The integration process and the enlargement of the EU will inevitably influence the interests of third countries. Firstly, it concerns Russia which, being the largest European country, now is outside the process and which has historical connections with both the member states of the Union and the candidates for membership. In this connection, the main concerns of Russia could be: tariffs and non-tariff measures for Russian export to CEECs, transit of Russian goods through CEECs, trade flows and investment which could change their direction from Russian market to the CEECs, various problems of Kaliningrad region which will turn into enclave after the enlargement. Among other concerns of Russia it could be mentioned Common Agriculture Policy, EU Competition Policy, trans-border cooperation etc. In the same time, Russia will deal with a stable and predictable group of countries near its borders, which respect democratic values and principles of free market. Instead of the great number of very different bilateral agreements, it will develop relations with them within the single legal framework - Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Russia and the EU. It is a proper time now to analyze in what way the PCA will be implemented after the EU enlargement and what has to be done to adapt this agreement to the new geopolitical and geoeconomic situation in Europe.

C

Carl    Carter    Christou    Cini    Crowley

Carl, Jenny (University of Osnabrueck)
European Identity: Exploring Regional, National and Supranational Identities with Reference to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland
The project deals with the question of whether there exists a European identity, and with the relationship between the regions of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland (and their respective collective identities) and the British nation on the one hand, and Europe on the other. The aim is, eventually, to draw conclusions as to whether it is possible to speak of a development of a deeper regional identification with the EU / Europe.
The analysis is guided by notions that the nation state is losing its influence in many of its ‘traditional’ spheres. Most importantly (for this study) this concerns its power to define collective identities in a given territory. In this context, European identity and the EU’s political system might offer new and more opportunities for regions to redefine and express their identities.
The principal research questions are the following:
1) What relation is there between European integration and the development of a European identity, and already existing cultural, political, regional, national, and other identities, both theoretically, and empirically with regard to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland?
2) More concretely, the question is whether Europe / the EU is becoming a new framework, a new focus in the process of fabricating and forging (new) identities by regional élites. Are there new regional pictures of Europe emerging, what do they look like, and can they be traced within the political discourse?
The work will be based on primary documents, which include, for example, publications by political parties and movements, government white papers and decrees, parliamentary debates. Moreover, the study is supported by theories of collective identities and identification that allow the representations of Europe / the EU within the public political discourse to be linked to collective identities within the chosen regions.

Carter, Caitriona (University of Edinburgh)
Sub-national Governance and EU Policy Making in Member States [joint paper with Martin Burch, Ricardo Gomez, Patricia Hogwood, Andrew Scott and Simon Bulmer]
A comparative study of the ways in which regional actors are drawn into and seek to influence policy making on EU issues within member states. The paper will examine practice in a number of EU member states and draw out lessons for regional actors in the UK.

Christou, George (University of Manchester)
The EU, Cyprus and Turkey: The Power of Attraction?
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Cini, Michelle (University of Bristol)
Public Service Ethics and the Reform of the European Commission
The European Commission is in the throes of a reform process, which is proving to be somewhat acrimonious and difficult to manage. While this process is in part a consequence of the events surrounding the resignation of the Commission, it also seeks to address some of the long-standing weaknesses which have plagued the institution. Moreover, the reform has increasingly come to mirror other public service reforms to the extent that one might argue that the White Paper of March 2000 was an attempt to inject and ethos of new public management into the Commission.
Although the reform project involves three main components: the management of priorities, financial control and human resources, a fourth cross-cutting theme is identifiable. This fourth theme engages with recent debates within the field of public ethics and in a practical sense has involved the drafting of Codes of Conduct and the injection of the language of 'standards in public life' within the reform process. This paper examines this aspect of the Commission's reform with an eye to the more general literature on public service ethics. It looks at the steps already taken to improve ethical standards within the Commission and how this relates to other aspects of the reform process. It asks if what we are witnessing in the Commission is part of a much broader trend in public sector reform, or simply a direct consequence of the criticisms thrown at the Commission at the time of the famous resignation in 1999.

Crowley, John (Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques)
Democracy in Europe: New Forms of Public Participation at the Local Level [joint paper with Emmanuel Brillet and Anne-Sophie Hardy]
Building on the material collected in several suburban Paris districts, this paper will study the forms of public participation at the local level. It will highlight the tensions between the various dimensions of the local (neighbourhood, commu­­nal, inter-communal) and the role of political parties in the dynamics of the local demo­cratic process. This paper will also focus on the implications for local democracy of the growing trend in France towards amalgamation of communes into inter-communal entities that are sup­po­sedly more efficient for a range of planning purposes. Such groupings, which have been facilitated and reinforced by recent legislation (to the point that they may be entered into without the unanimous support of the communes involved), have no mechanisms of direct democratic accountability. Amalgamation, which often entails sharp shifts in the socio-demographic balance of the relevant areas, tends to be deeply controversial. This paper will therefore seek to analyze the consequences of discrepancies between political, administrative and, socio-geographic, delineations of “locality”.

D

Day    Deacon    Di Feliciantonio    Drake

Day, Stephen (University of Manchester)
Democracy Beyond the State: Assessing the Significance of Transnational Political Parties in the European Union
Historically, representative democracy has relied upon political parties within the boundaries of a nation-state acting as the representative linkage or transmission belt between the governing institutions and the citizens of the state. As the EU continues to develop as a non-state polity, what sort of representative linkage is to be transposed onto the European level? Are the little-known transnational political parties capable of playing such a role?
This paper will evaluate the transnational parties (primarily the Party of European Socialists – PES) in relation to their legal and constitutional status as well as in terms of their real-world significance. It will ask, ‘if they are to influence the formation of a European demos,’ which remains one of the aspirational aims of Article 191 of the EC Treaty, what sort of institutional and operational changes are likely to be necessary to turn them into household names? This is going to require evaluating the significance of: 
1. On-going legal and constitutional developments concerning Article 191 (including the additional paragraph added at Nice) and the proposed Statute for European Political Parties.
2. Examples of initiatives at the grassroots level to enhance the profile of transnational parties.
3. The response of national state parties to these on-going processes of change.

Deacon, Russell (University of Wales Institute, Cardiff)
The Governance of Wales - The Welsh Office and the Policy Process 1964-1999
The Welsh Office was in existence for thirty-five years (1964-1999). As a devolved government department it had the capacity to shape and alter a host of secondary legislation that applied to Wales. It also had the opportunity to develop other policy areas ranging from economic development to tourism, education and agriculture. This paper sets out to examine the extent to which unique Welsh Office policy was created by the Welsh Office. The role of the Welsh Secretaries are examined, these were often controversial figures such as John Redwood and Ron Davies who used the Welsh Office to stamp upon Wales their own political or ideological visions. The paper also assesses the impact of other factors on policy creation at the Welsh Office and gives a brief summary of the effectiveness of the devolved ministry upon policy making in Wales in its thirty five years of operation.

Di Feliciantonio, Susanna (Cambridge University)
Integrating European Foreign Policy: Interests, Ideas and the Balkan Crises
This paper examines the relationship between the Balkan crises and the process of European foreign and security integration, and argues that the Member States’ experiences in the region over the past decade have had two critical effects on integration.  Firstly, the Balkan crises have exposed the constraints of existing policies and instruments at the national - as well as the European level - causing Member States to review their foreign policy roles and redefine their strategic interests in a new security environment.  Secondly, this paper contends that the Balkan crises were necessary for the emergence of a more effective European foreign policy. The shared ‘European’ experience with regards to these crises, has led to a greater convergence of national foreign policy mechanisms and, more importantly, of the ideas and interests underpinning national conceptions of foreign policy.  Taking stimulus from the growing literature on the importance of ideas in politics, which points to an alternative ‘ideational’ view of the causality of European integration, this paper provides a systematic analysis of how the ‘idea of Europe’ is increasingly seen as a ‘roadmap’ guiding not only policies towards the Balkans, but influencing Member States’ views on European integration.

Drake, Helen (Loughborough University)
Where Is He Now? The Lessons and Life-cycles of a Commission Presidency
Former Commission President Jacques Delors (1985-1995) threw down a challenge to the practice and theory of European integration by turning the Commission presidency into a political position of apparent power, decisive influence, and deficient legitimacy. How he did this – the combination of factors which transformed him into ‘Mr Europe’, and the Commission into a semi-autonomous actor of integration – is increasingly familiar to scholars of European integration. Less obvious are the lessons of the Delors presidency for the political logics of leadership in the EU. EU heads of state and government have failed on two separate occasions between 1995 and 2000 to agree on a conceptual working model for the Commission of the future; Delors’s successors, Jacques Santer and Romano Prodi, have adopted contrasting political models of Commission leadership; and Delors himself has sought to direct pro-Europeanism at home in France. This paper seeks to review the Delors decade from the perspective of its lessons for the modelling of the Commission’s future place in the twin processes of European integration and domestic Europeanisation.

E

Eralp    Erdos

Eralp, Atilla (Middle East Technical University)
Turkey in the Enlargement Process: From Luxembourg to Helsinki
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Erdos, Istvan (Eötvös Loránd University)
Implementation of e-Commerce Directive in Hungary [to be tabled]
The theme of my conference paper and presentation shall be addressed to the question of the legal aspects of electronic commerce, in particular to the issue of the implementation of the e-commerce directive (Directive 2000/31/EC) into the Hungarian legal regulatory environment. I am going to discuss the rules laid down in the directive and compare them with the Hungarian Act on electronic commerce adopted last autumn. The presentation shall consist of four parts. Firstly, I shall talk about the legal aspects of e-commerce in general and the importance of its regulation. Secondly, I shall give an international survey of the legal regulation of electronic commerce. For example I will briefly examine and by analysing compare the UNCITRAL Model Law on Electronic Commerce. Thirdly I analyse the Directive in detail and compare in line with the Hungarian Act. As a conclusion in the fourth part of my presentation I will try to draw some inference on the Hungarian harmonisation on this issue regarding the accession to the European Union

F

Fairbrass    Fallon    Féron    Fitzpatrick    Flood    Fowler

Fairbrass, Jenny (University of East Anglia)
The Europeanisation of Interest Groups: A Strategic Decision-making Analysis
The study of the European Union (EU), its policy processes and the role played by various actors, has for many years been dominated by one variant or another of the International Relations (IR) theory.   However, this debate had become rather sterile by the late 1980s.  In recent years, partly as a reaction against that stalemate, scholars have began to research and theorise about the about the EU employing the concept of Europeanisation. Rather than adopting the 'bottom-up' perspective associated with IR theory, the Europeanisation framework examines the 'top-down' impact of the EU on national political structures, processes and relationships.  This paper forms part of that movement by presenting and exploring empirical evidence about the 'EU-effect' on national interest groups and their interaction with national and supranational policy-makers. The surveyed groups that provide the core of this paper belong to one of two policy areas: environmental or industrial policy. Crucially, the paper offers a comparative analysis along two dimensions. First, data concerning business interests in two member states, firms and trade associations based in the UK and France, are proffered and dissected.  The second axis takes the form of a cross-sectoral analysis, in which UK based business and environmental interests are contrasted. Tools and ideas drawn from management science are used to provide an analytic framework for exposing the causal mechanisms in operation in the Europeanisation process in the UK and France in relation to the interest groups.

Fallon, Grahame (University College Northampton)
Exploring EU Attitudes Towards Russia’s Proposed Membership of the WTO [joint paper with Alan Jones]
The paper will explore the degree of commitment to the Russian membership of the WTO by the EU and its member states. The paper examines the extent to which the EU has focused upon the long run implications of a Russian recovery based upon the development of an effective basis for trade and production derived from WTO membership. Notwithstanding the relatively short term predictions of Russian membership within the next year to eighteen months, the paper argues that the actual accession of Russia to the WTO will force a change in the way in which Russia should be considered by the EU and some of its member states. It will examine the implication of current questions of market access by Russia into markets other than the obviously acceptable areas of primary production. It will argue that the essential relationship will only vary as the domestic Russian economy is increasingly forced to take account of the impact of the real world economy upon its domestic production. The question remains, however, whether existing circumstances in the EU Russian relationship will be changed significantly at an economic level or whether WTO membership will simply change the politics of EU Russia relations.

Féron, Elise (Centre Interdisciplinaire de Recherches)
Euroregions as Political Actors: The Cross-Channel Euroregion as a Case Study
This paper will explore the relationships between the Europeanisation process and the regions. Though the EU was created exclusively by existing sovereign states, and not by regional entities, since 1992 and the creation of an advisory Committee of Regions, regions have become influential actors at the European level. This paper will study the extent to which the creation of a “Euroregion” (comprising Kent in England, the Nord – Pas-de-Calais region in France and the three regions of Belgium) has an effect on the parameters of the local in this part of Europe. The Euro­region, at present, is not a political entity, but an economic grouping. Nonetheless, it seems to play a role in self-identification in Northern France, and is the focus for specific policy issues. The paper will therefore study both how the region itself works in political / policy terms, and how its existence affects processes at lower territorial levels, with particular emphasis on the Nord – Pas-de-Calais region of France.

Fitzpatrick, Edmund (University of Lincoln)
The Compatibility of the Court of Justice’s Recent Decision in Levi Strauss with the Internal Market: Some Potential Shortcomings of Positive Integration
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Flood, Chris (University of Surrey)
Euroscepticism: A Problematic Concept
This chapter addresses the theme of resistance to change by assessing the signficance of Euroscepticism in France, taking account of public attitudes, the positions of political parties, and the ideological positions developed by Eurosceptical groups. Controversy over the current shape and future development of the EU is promoted by a range of parties, or factions, pressure groups and think-tanks with more or less hostile postures towards the institutions and processes established at the EU level to date. Although outright Europhobia is confined to a relatively small minority of the public, apathy and wariness are more widespread. There is some demand for the representation of Eurosceptical opinions, but interest is episodic, and the divisions between and within Eurosceptical groupings limit their effectiveness. Moreover, Euroscepticism faces the momentum of change as state power drains upwards to the European level, and potentially to global level, and downwards to subnational level, regardless of the question of where sovereignty lies; Eurosceptics have to chase a moving target. As the cases of Britain and Denmark show, however, it is not impossible for the weight of Eurosceptical opinion to function as a real constraint on government policy, and potentially on the operation of the EU itself, and so Eurosceptical political groups in France do have something to play for.

Fowler, Brigid (University of Birmingham)
Candidate State Party Politics and the EU Accession Process: Can They Make a Difference?
This paper identifies ways in which candidate state political parties and party systems may make a difference to their countries’ EU accession processes. It thus opens a new field in the study of EU enlargement. Such comparative and theoretical work as exists on enlargement mostly focuses on the EU. The negotiation of EU accession is now an experience shared by 21 states, but we have little systematic knowledge about the political structures and strategies in candidate states that may help explain differences between their accession processes. This is particularly the case with regard to accession negotiations, which are not considered in current work on the impact of accession conditionality. Emerging literature on candidate state party attitudes to the EU is similarly only weakly integrated with explanations of accession outcomes, failing so far to treat parties as government actors.
The paper considers the current accession process as having two main components: the meeting of accession conditions, and the achievement of a ratified accession treaty. Against this background, the paper derives hypotheses about the possible impact of candidate state parties and party systems from existing literatures - on the role of parties in domestic politics and policy outputs, and on theories of international negotiation, particularly Putnam’s notion of a ‘two-level game’. The paper suggests that the beliefs of governing parties, the strength of their political position and the domestic resources at their disposal may help to explain outcomes in their state’s accession process.

G

Geddes    Gegout    Georgiadis    Giorgi    Gomez    Goodman    Gore    Gunnarsson

Geddes, Andrew (University of Liverpool)
The Spatial and Temporal Reconstruction of Migration as a Challenge to European Governance
This paper analyses the Europeanisation of migration as a challenge to European governance. First, the paper will examine the spatial and temporal reconstruction of migration policy. The spatial aspect refers to the establishment of EU level co-operation and integration with a strong security focus within which national executives have been particularly active participants since at least the mid-1980s. The temporal dimension refers to the more recent attempts to reconstruct at a temporal distance, labour recruitment policies to fill labour market gaps in key sectors (the ICT sector is a good example). Taken together these allow the identification of four questions, which are assessed by the paper: the development of EU migration policy competencies linked to forms of power and authority distinct from the national with scope for supranationalisation of policy and associated processes. The asymmetrical effects of Europeanisation as illustrated by the effects of migration policy development on newer immigration countries in southern, central and eastern Europe. The implementation dilemmas linked to the development of a Community migration policy. The 'spillover' between migration and linked issues such as welfare state organisation and social rights.

Gegout, Catherine (European University Institute)
The Lifting of the European Union's Flight Ban and the Reinforcement of its Financial Sanctions Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (early 2000): The Role of the US and the Locking-in Effect of the Institutions
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Georgiadis, George (Cambridge University)
Bridging Post-communist Transition and EU Enlargement: In Search of Causality
This paper will try to bridge two branches of literature which so far have developed in parallel routes. The focus of the first branch, which deals with the eastward enlargement of the EU, has been biased towards the implications of the accession of candidate post-communist countries on the institutions and existing members of the European Union. The second branch of literature deals with the transformation of post-communist states as a domestic phenomenon, ignoring the dynamic effects of European integration in the process. As this paper will argue, to explain the transformation patterns of post-communist countries, it is essential to take under consideration the desire of the EU to enlarge. By so doing the paper will challenge the established notion that pressure from transition countries ‘forced’ the EU to enlarge. Finally, since establishing causality is central to any form of explanation, and to provide an alternative account, this paper will test the assumption of an EU-induced transformation against quantitative measures of transition.

Giorgi, Liana (Interdisciplinary Center for Comparative Research)
Mobilisation and Alliances in the Trans-Alpine Region
Building on the material collected in the course of other projects dealing with the trans-Alpine region, this paper will examine the mobilisation in the Tyrol region against transit traffic and for stricter thresholds for environmental protection. The trans-Alpine region could be described as a Euroregion whereby the borders are variably conceived of as either opportunities (as in the case of the Lyon-Turin axis for France and Italy where there is also an active European economic grouping) or as barriers (as in the case of the Brenner crossing between Austria and Italy). Subsequently, the problems posed by trans-Alpine traffic are perceived at one and the same time (yet variably by different actors) as local problems seeking a European solution or as European problems seeking local solutions. The upcoming end of the eco-point system for regulating transit traffic through the Austrian Alpine route is expected to once again heat the debate within Austria but also in the neighbouring countries. The purpose of this case study will be to study the alliances that emerge and how these differ from those of the mid-nineties.

Gomez, Ricardo (University of Manchester)
Sub-national Governance and EU Policy Making in Member States [joint paper with Martin Burch, Caitriona Carter, Patricia Hogwood, Andrew Scott and Simon Bulmer]
A comparative study of the ways in which regional actors are drawn into and seek to influence policy making on EU issues within member states. The paper will examine practice in a number of EU member states and draw out lessons for regional actors in the UK.

Goodman, Clorinda (University of Bristol)
European Integration and Social Capital
The importance of social, as well as economic, cohesion has been highlighted recently, as well as an increased need for ‘solidarity’. These concepts are closely related to social capital and trust. Regional disparities have been addresses by various EU programmes, including Europartenariat, which aimed to help small businesses make cross-border collaborative links.
The evaluation of such programmes, and of cohesion levels, has often been by comparison of statistical data, ignoring qualitative issues such as social capital or trust generated at a transnational level. Social capital has been identified as a crucial for economic success and for healthy and successful democracies. Trust has been described as a sense of shared ‘identity’ in the context of working together.
This paper will present the results of a study of Europartenariat delegates from UK, Ireland, Germany and Spain, gathered from a survey and interviews about their sense of shared identity and mutual trust, both amongst themselves (‘lateral’ trust), and between them and the EU institutions (‘vertical’ trust).
Whilst lacking Putnam’s longitudinal perspective, the study aims to contribute to the debate on cohesion by evaluating outcomes from an EU programme and cross border contact amongst the SME sector in a more qualitative way.

Gore, Tony (Sheffield Hallam University)
Uneasy Travelling Companions: Mainstreaming the European Employment Strategy in European Regional policy Programmes
Policy-making and implementation in the European Union (EU) has increasingly become complex and multi-faceted, with the pursuit of the same substantive objectives involving different pathways and modes of delivery. This is especially the case with the new “open method of policy co-ordination” adopted at the Lisbon summit of the Council of Ministers in December 2000. In fact, this approach has been used in the design and implementation of the European Employment Strategy (EES) since its launch in 1997.  This seeks to co-ordinate existing labour market policies of member states within an overarching framework of guidelines and targets. As such, it recognises the need for a high degree of flexibility in response to geographical variations in the European labour market, while at the same time ensuring that the interventions of individual countries are contributing to the achievement of common EU employment aims. Recognition of the importance of more concerted action in certain regions instantly brings the EES into the long-standing sphere of European regional policy; since the mid-1970s this has acted as the main vehicle at EU level in combating unemployment and economic decline in the “lagging regions”. Moreover, the lack of a dedicated expenditure stream for the EES has also meant that those responsible for its implementation have turned to the Structural Funds as an additional way in which its employment goals might be achieved. In other words, policy co-ordination in relation to the EES involves not just exerting influence over the direction and content of national policies, but also integrating or “mainstreaming” it into Structural Fund programmes.
This paper is a critical exploration of the issues raised by this approach. In particular, it will examine the nature of this “mainstreaming” relationship in terms of the structures and mechanisms put in place to achieve it in the context of the current Objective 1 programmes operating in the UK. It will do this by reference to the vertical and horizontal linkages between European, national and regional levels, and by assessing the extent to which strategic frameworks, programme guidance and programme content have successfully integrated EES considerations. The paper will conclude by reviewing the implications of its findings for theories of European governance and institutional relationships.

Gunnarsson, Jan (University of Copenhagen)
Communication Links Between Public and Private Interests and the Europeanisation at the Regional Level
This paper tries to shed light on the way in which sovereignty may be transferred from the state to the sub-national level as a result of European integration. It is flavoured with empirical evidence of cross-border cooperation in the Southern Baltic region (the Greater Copenhagen area and Scania in Southern Sweden). The paper poses the question whether communication links between public organizations and private companies could improve the 'bottom up' drive from the regional level in multi-level governance and thereby improve the legitimacy of the EU. The paper looks into this question by considering crucial differences between Denmark and Sweden with regard to institutions in domestic politics. Empirically, the paper investigates policies pursued by regional authorities with respect to  public services to private companies and how these policies affiliate with the overall policies of EU-focused regional associations. Theoretically, it is argued that the establishment of a regional role in the EU can be explained by an approach based on evolutionary theory of institutional change. The notion of 'output-based legitimacy' is applied to clarify the legitimising force of political actions channelled through industrial networks.

H

Haab    Haglund    Harmsen    Hayward    Hearl    Heyne    Hodson    Hoffmann    Holden    Holmes    Hunt

Haab, Mare (Estonian European Union Information Secretariat)
Communication, Mediation, Political Involvement - EU Enlargement and the Challenges of EU Information Policy of a Small Applicant Country
Communicating EU enlargement is an area of increasing importance. It is an issue of significance and concern in those states who aim at re-establishing their place in the Old World and for those who have already joined the “Club”. Estonia is an interesting case representing “living proof” of a possibility to transform within a decade its political and economic systems to match the ones characteristic of democratic, market-oriented Western States. Surprisingly, it is also the country’s public opinion regarding the European Union issues that seems to match the one of the existing member-states rather than the majority of other applicant countries. However, at the verge of the new wave(s) of EU enlargement, this phenomenon could provide for definite concerns. Why would a small nation of 1,3 million, who has after 50 years of occupation re-established its independent statehood in 1991, be so modest in its public support to the European Union which no doubt provides a clear form for marking the peripheral European country with a strong western identity? What could be the reasons for the paradox that the majority of the Estonians consider joining the EU beneficial for themselves, yet, do not support this by large? Is it a collective, nation-wide stupidity that has struck not only the one country?  Or are there other reasons why in Estonia, likewise in many member-states, the opinion polls show so far 58% support to EU at its best.
The paper addresses the issues related to the multi-dimensional process of EU information and communication policy of a small state and young statehood from the perspective of the Government.

Haglund, Anne (University of Hull)
Nordic Presidencies and the European Union's Northern Dimension
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Harmsen, Robert (Queen's University Belfast)
The OSCE and the European Human Rights Regime
While the proclamation of the 'Charter of Paris' in 1990 appeared to herald both the beginning of a 'new European order' and the centrality of the then Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) within that order, events in the ensuing years have not borne out this initial, (over) ambitious vision for the institutional architecture of the continent.  Against the background of this more general institutional trajectory, this paper explores the relative 'successes' and 'failures' of the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe in the field of human rights.  On the positive side of the balance sheet, both the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) and the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) appear to have carved out a distinctive niche within the broader framework of the European human rights regime.  Yet, conversely, attempts at creating a functional interstate 'human dimension mechanism' appear to have floundered.  More generally, beyond the 'human dimension' stricto sensu, the OSCE Court on Conciliation and Arbitration has yet to hear a case.  Underlying this pattern of 'successes' and 'failures', it is argued that one may see the more general emergence of a pan-European human rights regime on the basis of a patchwork of institutional solutions which, in themselves, pose new problems concerned with the need to ensure complementarity between the major players (EU, Council of Europe, and OSCE) in the field.

Hayward, Katy (University College Dublin)
The Region Between State and Nation: Contested Definitions of Northern Ireland in the European Context
This paper investigates the role of regionalism in the European Union with regard to a parallel reworking of the concept of the nation-state. The process of European integration has stimulated change both ‘above and below’ the nation-state, reflecting an active paradox within the European Union: on the one hand, the transcendence of territorial boundaries and, on the other, the continued importance of territorial locality for political representation and identity. This paradox is encapsulated in the application of regionalism in attempts to facilitate cross-border cooperation as well as accommodating internal diversity. At a national level, governments have been able to present European integration in general and regionalism in particular to assert the continued integrity and centrality of the nation-state.
This paper explores this thesis through examining the utilisation of regionalism in the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland, whose different approaches to European integration and regionalism were integrally related to their conception of the  ‘contested territory’ of Northern Ireland. Devolution in the United Kingdom may be seen as the British government’s use of regional representation to pre-empt nationalist demands or, in the case of Northern Ireland, to diffuse nationalist tensions. In contrast, the Republic of Ireland has been reluctant to divide the country into regions and has instead preferred to identify the island of Ireland as a ‘region of Europe’. The Good Friday Agreement (1998) applied the EU model of cross-border cooperation, multilevel representation and multilayered citizenship in finding an ‘agreed solution’ between transcending territorial boundaries and recognising diverse territorial identities. Thus, although the process of European integration could not raise Northern Ireland onto a new post-national political plane, it enabled the national discourse and regional politics of Britain and Ireland to adapt to the reconfiguration of the political significance of territory and identity.

Hearl, Derek (Eastern Mediterranean University)
Cyprus: A New Kind of member State? [joint paper with Wojciech Forysinski]
After nearly 40 years of deadlock, at the time of writing (February 2002), the Cyprus Problem looks closer to a solution than ever before. The leaders of the two sides are currently engaged in intensive talks amid widespread speculation that solutions both to the Island's internal governance problem and its putative EU Membership will be found by the summer of this year. Although the talks are at present shrouded in secrecy there are indications that what may be under discussion is a unique mix of federal, confederal and consociational elements defying traditional academic classification. This paper will analyse the situation as it appears by the time of the 2002 Conference in the light of recent direct and indirect pressures from the EU and certain of its member states.  It will ask and seek to answer the question as to whether the prospect of imminent EU Membership has after all acted as the "catalyst" it was supposed to be - albeit more as a stick and less of the carrot originally envisaged. Finally, it will conclude by considering emerging models for the Island's potential future constitutional relationship with the rest of the EU.

Heyne, Anja (University of Bristol)
What Determined the Structural Arrangements of European Monetary Union, 1990-1999
The structure of EMU has been determined by the Maastricht Treaty and the Stability and Growth Pact, both of which are characterised by their distinct monetarist outlook. The aim of this paper is to explain why EMU took the form it did by considering the importance of monetarist ideas in its establishment. This paper proposes that an epistemic community, consisting of monetarist experts, was influential in shaping the Maastricht Treaty and the Stability and Growth Pact, although Keynesian economists fiercely opposed monetarist policy proposals. In order to test this hypothesis, this paper develops a theoretical framework, that builds on Peter Haas's concept of epistemic communities, to analyse how a group of monetarist economists might have influenced policy-making, what conditions might have facilitated this process and why monetarist experts might have been able to shape the institutional arrangements underpinning EMU at the expense of other possible proposals.

Hodson, Dermot (London School of Economics)
The Role of Consensus in the Monetary and Fiscal Policy Mix
Fiscal policy within the euro zone remains by and large a matter for national governments.  To the extent that these member states share the same interest rate, fiscal policy represents a matter of common concern. This concern is expressed through the Stability and Growth Pact, which prevents excessive deficits and promotes a medium term fiscal position of close to balance or in surplus. Providing that it operates as advertised, the pact should ensure that the fiscal policies of any one member state threaten neither the stability of its peers or the objectives of the European Central Bank.  In its present form, however, there is little that the pact can do to guarantee a harmonious monetary and fiscal policy, not least in the face of disagreement between national policy makers over the appropriate course of action. This paper investigates whether such consensus can be promoted through existing soft law policy instruments, such as the Broad Economic Policy Guidelines, or whether further institutional developments are necessary in this regard.

Hoffmann, Lars (Federal Trust)
The European Convention: An Intersection of Law, Politics and the Ordinary Citizens
The paper examine whether the Constitutional Convention which has been invoked by the Laeken summit in December 2002, can be considered a legitimate constitutionalisation procedure.
The ‘legitimacy deficit’ of the EU  has been well covered in other literatures (see in particular, Beetham and Lord Legitimacy in the European Union). Today’s discussion about a future European constitution is partly a consequence of this deficit. But can the procedure, that resulted from the Laeken summit in December 2001, be considered as legitimate itself? What should the process of enactment of a EU constitution be like in order to be considered legitimate?
Various intergovernmental and neofunctional accounts  of legitimacy in the EU will be critically examined. The findings will then be used as a comparative basis. Key aspects of the Constitutional Convention will henceforth be measured against these results: The composition of the Convention, the way the composition has taken place the working procedure of the Convention generally and the presidium in particular as well as the rules of procedure which have been assigned to it. Also, the issues the Convention is dealing with (and eventual results) shall be critically assessed and put into the perspective of legitimacy.

Holden, Patrick (University of Limerick)
Aid, Conditionality and the EU’s Strategy in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership
This paper offers a critique of certain instruments used by the EU to direct the course of the evolving Euro Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). The EMP involves several different forms of conditionality in support of a variety of EU objectives, which include economic liberalization and support for democracy/ human rights.  Aid is one form of conditionality in that allocations are intended to be flexible and reward partners pursuing ‘positive’ policies. Apart from being an instrument of conditionality however, aid is a form of  ‘bottom up’ intervention in the political and economic structures of the partner states. Thus it is intended to complement the top down impact of conditionality in the pursuit of the objectives cited above. In practice both forms of intervention have been directed mainly towards the economic rather than the political sphere. Apart from this lopsidedness there is a general consensus that aid policy has not been especially effective in promoting the EU’s goals. One explanation for this state of affairs can be found in a lack of capacity on the EU’s part to use aid instruments effectively and a certain lack of clarity in its objectives.

Holmes, Michael (Liverpool Hope University College)
The Development of Opposition to the EU in Ireland
The rejection of the Treaty of Nice in Ireland in 2001 shed new light on the opposition to the EU in the country. This paper seeks to evaluate the main opposition groups involved in the Nice campaign; political parties like the Greens, Sinn Féin and various left-wing groups, and pressure groups ranging from the Peace and Neutrality Alliance to Youth Defence. It looks at the history of their involvement in the five EU-related referendums that have been held in Ireland and analyses the main criticisms they voice of the EU. On this basis, the paper will identify the different motivations behind opposition to the EU in Ireland, and will argue that while some groups are opposed to the very idea of European cooperation, others express far more nuanced criticisms of the Union. These differences offer the prospect of a way around the current impasse in Irish-EU relations. The paper will be based on a series of interviews with key individuals from the main opposition groups involved in the Nice campaign.

Hunt, Lisa (Loughborough University)
The European Union and the Former Yugoslavia: The Development of a European Foreign Policy?
The case of the EC/EU’s variable involvement in the various phases of Yugoslavia’s violent demise provides a sustained example of the fluctuations in EU-level foreign policy co-operation over a decade.
Conceiving of EU foreign policy as a system engaged in a dynamic relationship with its operational environment, the focus of this paper will specifically be the contested notion of a discernible EU-level foreign policy (European Foreign Policy). The course and extent of any change in the nature of that policy will be examined through a systematic examination of the externally directed output of the Union’s single institutional framework vis a vis the former Yugoslavia.
Five phases of EC/EU activity will be considered corresponding to the conflicts in Slovenia/Croatia, Bosnia, Kosova and Macedonia.
The course of policy development will be discussed in terms of the extent to which patterns of output amount to what can be described as a foreign policy. This is foreign policy as traditionally understood but more importantly also in terms of the evident emergence of a new and distinct type of international actor that demands a more inclusive understanding of what constitutes foreign policy and the type of actor that can have one.

I

J

Jarukaitis    Jones A

Jarukaitis, Irmantas (University of Vilnius)
Constitutional Basis of Lithuania's Accession to the EU
Fastening pace of negotiations concerning Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its course shows that Lithuania’s membership in the EU materialises little by little. Of course, this issue rises complex questions in all spheres of life: economic, social, cultural, legal, etc. However, if to look from the legal point of view, one of the fundamental questions would be constitutional basis of Lithuania’s accession to the EU, or put it in more simplistic way, whether the Lithuanian Constitution “allows” the Lithuania’s membership in the EU? Although the Constitution contains the provisions concerning Lithuania’s participation in the traditional international organisations, it is apparent that the EU is not of that kind. It’s important, that the answer to this question heavily depends on the answer, how the EU will look in the future. Provisions of the Treaty of Nice and the Laeken Declaration show that still there are no clear answers to this question. If to look at the current state of development of the EU, it may be argued that the Constitutional amendments which would provide for transfer of part of state institutions competence to the EU institutions, direct effect and supremacy of the EU law should be adopted in order to create proper constitutional basis of the accession. On the other hand, the Laeken Declaration forces to think, how possible changes of the EU itself would affect Lithuania’s constitutional basis. It’s hard to find the answer to this question in the Laeken Declaration, because its content is ambiguous in that respect. One may say that by this the new direction was set towards even more close co-operation between the Member States, whatever forms and names it will take. It seems that the constitutional structure of the EU will remain the product of the permanent constitutional development, therefore it’s rather hard to predict, what influence it would have to Lithuania’s constitution. At the same time it is clear, that if proper constitutional basis for Lithuania’s membership in the EU are in place and Lithuania becomes the Member State, it would have the right to participate in the further EU development and influence its future.

Jones, Alan (University College Northampton)
Exploring EU Attitudes Towards Russia’s Proposed Membership of the WTO [joint paper with Grahame Fallon]
The paper will explore the degree of commitment to the Russian membership of the WTO by the EU and its member states. The paper examines the extent to which the EU has focused upon the long run implications of a Russian recovery based upon the development of an effective basis for trade and production derived from WTO membership. Notwithstanding the relatively short term predictions of Russian membership within the next year to eighteen months, the paper argues that the actual accession of Russia to the WTO will force a change in the way in which Russia should be considered by the EU and some of its member states. It will examine the implication of current questions of market access by Russia into markets other than the obviously acceptable areas of primary production. It will argue that the essential relationship will only vary as the domestic Russian economy is increasingly forced to take account of the impact of the real world economy upon its domestic production. The question remains, however, whether existing circumstances in the EU Russian relationship will be changed significantly at an economic level or whether WTO membership will simply change the politics of EU Russia relations.

K

Kahraman    Kale    Karyotis    Kaveshnikov    Kennard    Kip    Kivircik    Knio    Konarski    Kostakopoulou

Kahraman, Sevilay (Middle East Technical University)
The Integration of Turkey into the CFSP Pillar
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Kale, Basak (Middle East Technical University)
The Consequences of Turkish Accession to the European Union on the Aspects of Immigration and Asylum Policies
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Karyotis, George (University of Edinburgh)
European Immigration Policy in the Aftermath of September 11: Reinvigorating the Securitisation Discourse
Abstract not provided

Kaveshnikov, Nikolay (Russian Academy of Science)
Dividing lines in Europe: Real and Imaginary
Unfortunately, this paper has been withdrawn.

Kennard, Ann (University of the West of England)
Border Regions as Agents of Change in Central and Eastern Europe
The border regions of central and eastern Europe have undergone rapid and far-reaching change since 1989. From a ‘simple’ situation where the only border with any real practical significance was the East-West divide, a patchwork of contrasting interfaces has now emerged.  Each has its different meaning, determined by changing historical, cultural and other relationships, and in most cases by its own physical displacement due to competing territorial claims.
The institutionalisation of these borders has had the effect of thrusting them into the limelight in ways which were unforeseen, and with both positive and negative effects. The varying speeds at which the different central and east European countries are achieving their goal of joining western organisations means that there are tensions on some borders (cf.Schengen) alongside attempts at a new cooperative approach.  The paper will attempt to show how and why borders and their adjacent regions are in the vanguard of change, juxtaposed as they are between new national priorities and externally imposed agendas.  To what extent is the ‘socio-spatial consciousness’ (Paasi) in these border regions changed by these agendas and will security issues inhibit the establishment of a post-modern approach?

Kip Barnard, Fulya (Middle East Technical University)
The Formation of EU's Internal Security Framework and its Implications on Turkey
The proposed paper aims to analyse the EU's internal security framework and its effects on EU- Turkish relations and Turkey's possible accession to the EU. Analysing the acceptance of Turkey's candidacy by the EU, many of critical issues in respect of future EU-Turkish relations relate to the security concerns of the EU and particularly Turkey's internal security.
The EU accepted Turkey as a candidate for EU accession in December 1999. In November 2000 the EU outlined the issues that Turkey must address before entering into formal negotiations, including guaranteeing minority rights, reducing the role of the military in politics and supporting a solution to the Cyprus problem. Turkey's internal problems including widespread corruption, smuggling and terrorism pose an internal security threat to the EU. Finally Turkey is a major transit country country for illegal immigrants and smuggling and this is also of concern for the EU. Turkey's candidacy in EU is a very hot issue in Turkey. The key areas of concern in Turkeys candidacy are soft security issues, such as migration, ethnic and religious unrest and the human rights. The international security aspects have been discussed widely in Turkish academic circles. However, these internal issues have not been approached with an international relations perspective. This paper aims at bringing a new outlook to the security aspect of Turkey- EU relations.

Kivircik, Elif (Marmara University)
Turkey in the EU Accession Process: The Contribution of Turkey's Participation to the EU
In the context of the Turkish candidacy for full membership to the EU, one of the most important facts generally overlooked is the potential contribution of Turkey in different ways to the EU's future especially in the current restructuring of the world system. In the paper, this subject which can also be expressed as 'the cost to the EU upon the non-integration of Turkey' will be discussed in the highlight of geo-strategic, economic and political components. Hence, the paper is in the aim of a help in re-evaluation of Turkey's existence in the enlargement process despite her inconveniences and it will allow a comparison between what European Union needs and what Turkey offers...

Knio, Karim (University of Birmingham)
The EU's Mediterranean Policy: Do All Roads Lead to Barcelona?
The twentieth century was marked by the rise of regional trade blocs. The European –Mediterranean Partnership, which aims to create a free trade area in this geographical zone by the year 2010, constitutes a recent example of this global phenomena. It is an attempt by the EU to reinvigorate its Mediterranean policy and deal with its southern flank with a new approach based on developing and ameliorating the economic setting of these under performing economies as a long term step towards propelling political and social stability in the region. The EU has endorsed a Neo Liberal perspective in economic development by trying to introduce to these economies the magic of free capital markets, trade liberalisation, privatisation, deregulation and foreign direct investment. Nevertheless, a growing literature in political economy refutes the foundations of this particular policy. It outlines the negative implications of the economic transition process on these respective economies. Accordingly, this paper will try to sketch an overview of the economic provisions contained in the European Mediterranean partnership by highlighting the benefit and the cost dimensions of these agreements. The paper will conclude that the EU’s Neo Liberal developmental policy in the Mediterranean will not bring about the intended prosperity; the logic of the free market will only widen income disparities and destabilise the socio-economic equilibrium. In this ambit, the paper suggests a different developmentalist approach based on a corporatist mode of governance that seems to be a more viable engine of genuine economic development.

Konarski, Wawryzniec (Warsaw University)
Regionalistic Movements as the Current Form of Nationalism in Contemporary Europe and their Possible Influence on the Idea of United Europe [to be tabled]
In last decades the term regionalism became the key word for the processes which were developing simultaneously with the European integration. Both terms remain in mutual dependence and have an impact on the nation-state in its classic, i.e. post (French) revolutionary understanding. The political integration generates the tendency towards political differentiation of regions, which in this way may be encouraged to escalate their - already manifested - cultural, economic, and political demands. It finally leads to weakening of a nation-state. Despite the fact that regionalism - depending on the local specific - may adopt several meanings, for the purpose of this paper it is perceived in two, although interdependent ways. Firstly, as the nationalism of small nations (and/or national minorities) forced to strengthen their existence while remaining under pressure from large nations which dominate in currently existing nation-states, it is called a regionalistic movement. And secondly, as the form of spatial distribution of power on different levels of the political system in the nation-state it becomes a process of regionalization. In other words (ethno) regionalistic movements appear as a small nations’ reply on the above quoted large nations’ pressure, whereas the regionalization is an offer from the latter towards the above movements’ demands. It seems to be worthwhile to notice that this offer is stimulated, although not initiated by the European integration’s process. Finally