Home > Conferences and Events > Previous Events > Events 2001 > Bristol 2001 > Abstracts

The State of the Union in 2001:
UACES 31st Annual Conference and 6th Research Conference

Bristol, Monday - Wednesday 3-5 September 2001

Abstracts of papers to be given at the research sessions are found below.  (The conference also includes plenary sessions).

The abstracts on this page are in alphabetical order by surname. If you know the name of the author, use the A-Z key below to find the abstract you are interested in. If not, scroll down to where the panels are listed and you can browse through their titles.

A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z

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There will be over 30 panels  which have been divided into five sessions at the conference. The panels are all listed below and there are links to all the paper abstracts from the panel listing.

Session 1: Tuesday 4 September 2001,  09:15 - 10:45

Session 2: Tuesday 4 September 2001, 11:15 - 12:45

Session 3: Tuesday 4 September 2001, 16:15 - 17:45

Session 4: Wednesday 5 September 2001, 09:15 - 10:45

Session 5: Wednesday 5 September 2001, 11:15 - 12:45

A

Allen   Ananiadis   Anastasakis   Archer C    Archer T   Ardy   Averre    Avgerinos

Allen David

(Loughborough University)

Air Traffic Management in Europe: The Role of the European Union

This paper will examine the current air traffic management system in Europe and will seek comparison with the North American system. It will examine the role of Eurocontrol and the arguments put forward by the European Commission and by European airlines for the further development of EU competence in this area. Particular attention will be paid to challenges to the priority currently given in European air space to military aircraft. Whilst European states are anxious to protect their sovereignty over their air space they are under considerable pressure from the aviation industry to rationalise and further internationalise the air traffic system so as to increase both safety and efficiency. At present there are twice as many control centres in Europe as there are in the US but the European system is unable to handle the density of traffic experienced in the US. New technological developments (for instance giving the potential for 'direct routing') will increase the pressure for further international cooperation and for supranational solutions but this is an area where European states strongly resist any modification of the current intergovernmental regime. The European Commission has produced proposals in this area which will be considered by the European Council in Gothenburg.

LINK TO PANEL 25

Ananiadis Blanca

** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(University of La Verne, Athens)

European ‘Social’ Partnership and Political Representation: a Critique of Neo-Corporatist Institutionalisms

Transformations in the realm of social policy in the 1980s and 1990s have been conceptualized either in terms of neo-liberal retrenchment or, at points, as market-aware restructuring. Particularly on the issue of employment/unemployment, various national welfare models competing for predominance in Europe propose a neo-corporatist antidote to such transformations. This paper argues that such formulae result in non-inclusive social pacts, thereby raising the issue of the representativeness of current tripartite arrangements and associations. After mapping political representation in European social affairs, the research lays emphasis on the analysis of existing democratizing alternatives to neo-corporatism. A re-conceptualization of ‘European welfare’ is proposed.

LINK TO PANEL 29

Anastasakis Othon

(London School of Economics and Political Science)

EU Democracy Building in Southeastern Europe; Is There a Contribution to the Democratisation Process?

The relationship between the European Union and democratisation in Southeastern Europe is far from clear; yet, it is implicitly expected that as the most influential international factor the EU can act as an essential driver of political reform in the region. The paper argues that in its relations with the candidate countries of Eastern Europe, the European Union has been influencing the process of democratisation through adaptation and pressure. Adaptation to EU norms and standards relies mostly on institution building and aims at the adoption and implementation of the acquis communaitaire. Pressure relies mostly on political conditionality, i.e. EU agreements, aid and membership are conditional upon democratic politics and human rights reforms. While this has been the pattern for the two EU candidates -Bulgaria and Romania- the case for the Western Balkans has been quite different. Here, political conditionality has been dominant but it is not linked to a consistent and long-term institution building process. EU assistance for institution building has been weak, short term and poorly defined. The EU strategy for democratisation in the Western Balkans is mostly based on general principles and ambitious political frameworks but lacks the real knowledge of the countries involved and of the particular sectors that need to be reformed. This reduces greatly the actual impact of any democracy assistance programmes.

LINK TO PANEL 13

Archer Clive

(Manchester Metropolitan University)

'Soft Security' and the Northern Dimension

The EU's Northern Dimension will be introduced in this paper, including its history, its aims and its achievements so far. The exclusion of hard security is noted but the importance of 'soft security' will also be examined. This concept will be seen in the context of the use of the term by the states primarily involved in the Northern Dimension, especially the Baltic and Nordic states and Russia. What do they mean by the term and how might the Northern Dimension promote the idea? In particular the importance of the idea in a period when states which are candidates for EU and NATO membership have not yet joined these organizations, will be examined.

LINK TO PANEL 01

Archer Toby

(Manchester Metropolitan University / Finnish Institute of International Affairs, Helsinki)

"Don’t Mention Security!" Finland’s Unspoken Security Policy and the Northern Dimension of the EU

Officially, the one thing the Northern Dimension initiative is not about is 'hard' security. Whilst it openly deals with 'soft' security matters such as environmental protection, immigration, border controls and crime, it is not about soldiers, armies and alliances - the stuff of 'traditional' security policy. This paper will argue that Finland’s policy-making elites still feel limitations on what can be said on these matters and are creating new tools with which they aim to secure Finland, without resorting to a military alliance with NATO. The paper will consider why this is and also the implications from a theoretical perspective, notably the seemingly paradoxical idea that sovereignty can be protected by opening the state to globalizing forces. What are the implications for the nature of the nation state once its has become part of a postmodernist political community like the EU?

LINK TO PANEL 01

Ardy Brian

(South Bank University)

Is Britain Fit for EMU?

With Tony Blair’s confirmation that an assessment of the UK situation in relation to EMU will be made within two years of a Labour Government being returned to office, the five economic tests have assumed an immediate practical importance. Thus with the addition of the EU requirements there are two sets of criteria for UK entry to EMU. While both sets are concerned with convergence: the EU's are more tangible but the UK's are more comprehensive. This paper will assess the extent of the underlying convergence and the likelihood that both sets of requirement will be met. To derive a comprehensive assessment of convergence, various methods will be employed. Firstly trends over the medium/long-term will be analysed. Secondly a cross-sectional comparison will be made with the pre-EMU situation of the Euro-zone countries and their economic performance since 1999. Thirdly a wide range of indicators will be employed, e.g. not only economic indicators such inflation and unemployment, but measures of labour market flexibility. Fourthly the appropriate entry rate for Sterling will be considered, since this will significantly influence the assessment of convergence. Utilising this approach a balanced view of the extent and durability of UK convergence will be possible.

LINK TO PANEL 21

Averre Derek

(University of Birmingham)

The EU-Russian Relationship: Security, Governance and Foreign Policy Issues

The paper would comment on security, governance and foreign policy aspects of the relationship, focusing on state level issues and policy. It would also be concerned with the Northern dimension and border security issues.

LINK TO PANEL 05

Avgerinos Yannis

(King’s College London / British Institute of International and Comparative Law)

Reforming the Institutional Structure of EU Financial Markets Supervision

This paper concentrates on issues relating to EU financial markets regulation and supervision. European financial market liberalisation is based on the principle of home country control, but it is debatable whether this principle will continue to be applicable, at least for large financial groups. During the past decade, Europe has experienced a revolutionary change regarding financial services and their regulation. Within that context, EMU is prompting a quantum leap in interpretation of financial institutions and markets. These developments generate a new potential for pan-European instability while they may also reduce the capacity of individual Member States to handle crises. At the same time, Member States and EU institutions face an increased demand for further simplification and standardisation of the present structure of supervision, to ease pan-European operations.

Against this evolving environment, this paper raises the question, whether it is necessary to reassess the adequacy of the home country control regime. It will explore the harmonising single financial market process of the EU decision-making bodies, examine and evaluate the present European supervisory structures and it will assess the need for further reform of institutional and supervisory structures, that will keep present and future regulators and politicians concerned.

LINK TO PANEL 31

B

Bache    Ball   Bartkowski    Begg   Benedetto   Bergman   Bieler    Blavoukos   Bloor    Bono   Boswell    Bourgoignie   Brown

Bache Ian (Joint paper with Stephen George)

(University of Sheffield)

Britain and European Regional Policy

In 1992 the papers of a UACES study group on Britain and the European Community (EC) were published (George, 1992). Starting with that earlier analysis of the domestic roots of British policy in the EC / EU, this paper examines the positions of British governments on the negotiation of European structural funds and their reform, and the British record of implementation of the policies associated with the funds, particularly the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). It tests the evidence against six hypotheses generated by the earlier study. Most of the hypotheses relate to the British negotiating position, and are sustained by the case study. However, the case study suggests that the British record on implementation requires further investigation. The paper draws on research on implementation of the ERDF in Britain conducted by the authors under ESRC grant R000222447.

LINK TO PANEL 07

Ball Sally

(Trinity College, Oxford)

The European Employment Strategy: Is 'Full' Employment Good Enough?

Although no concrete targets for job creation were set when the European Employment Strategy was initiated in 1997, the institutions of the EU are now committed to achieving ‘full’ employment. In terms of employment rates, and unemployment figures for the EU as a whole, the EES appears to have made a positive start to the creation of more jobs, albeit that it is much too early to be sanguine about the prospects of full employment. This paper argues, however, that the Strategy cannot be regarded as a success unless the objective of ‘more’ jobs is accompanied by the promotion and creation of ‘decent’ jobs. To ensure decent jobs, the EU should seek to promote rights at work, social protection and social dialogue so that men and women may work in conditions of freedom, equity, security and human dignity. The agenda of the European Employment Strategy potentially conflicts with the promotion of rights at work, and to date has not been sufficiently focussed upon equitable sharing of the fruits of job creation. Such job creation as there has been has not necessarily involved the creation of ‘decent’ jobs. The paper argues that the policy prescriptions of the European Employment Strategy itself need to be more astute to the objectives of both more and decent employment, and that the Community’s institutions also need to continue to focus upon employees’ rights and social dialogue in their broader ‘social’ agenda so as to counterbalance any deregulatory tendencies of the Strategy itself.

LINK TO PANEL 18

Bartkowski Maciej
** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(Central European University)

Policy-Making in the EU and the Influence of Transnational Regimes

The policy-making in the EU is a multi-dimensional matrix of various interactions established by different inside EU and outside EU actors. I will take the external entities such as transnational regimes to analyze the outcomes of certain decision-making processes within the EU. I will prove that the transnational fishery regimes’ institutions: International Fishery Commissions (IFCs) and particularly the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea (ICES) are largely responsible for designing the Common Fishery Policy strategies on the maritime conservation policy.

Connecting causes with effects

In order to determine the causal relations between the work of the IFCs and the changes of the EU marine conservation policies I will use analytical tools provided by the theories of regime.

Generalizable study?

I will indicate a possibility of transferability of certain findings to other situational contexts. At the same time I will suggest that specific obstacles to generalizability of this study nevertheless persist.

Methodology

I will compare the recommendations made by the IFCs with the relevant Commission proposals and the Council decisions on fishery policy. The qualitative approach will include the interviews with the representatives of the Fishery Directorate-General in the Commission and the ICES.

LINK TO PANEL 33

Begg Iain (Joint paper with David Mayes)

(South Bank University)

Social Exclusion and Macroeconomic Policy in Europe: A Problem of Dynamic and Spatial Change

In the face of an increasing pace of change in an increasingly European environment this paper considers the extent to which European co-ordination in macroeconomic policy hinders or helps the combatting of social exclusion. It concludes with suggestions as to how social exclusion might be dealt with more rapidly as the European Union enlarges and becomes more closely integrated in the future. While many of the forces leading to social exclusion are institutional, social and demographic many others are related to the process of economic development, with faster innovation and obsolescence of products and skills, globalisation of production, the reduction of barriers in the single European market and the adoption of common and co-ordinated policies in Economic and Monetary Union. Thus the pace of economic change is increasing and exacerbating the causes of social exclusion on the way. At the same time the particular paths of integration that have been adopted in Europe appear to be imposing constraints on the solutions. In this paper we examine three commonly cited hypotheses about such constraints:

-  Most policies for combatting social exclusion involve public expenditure yet EMU imposes constraints on debt and spending policies.

-  Most single countries have extensive mechanisms for transferring resources from the areas that gain most from the process of growth to those that appear to be losing yet those mechanisms are explicitly rejected beyond a low level in the EU.

-  Tackling a complex, multi-faceted problem such as social exclusion requires carefully co-ordinated policies (joined-up government) yet the EU has chosen to follow 'open co-ordination' in this field.

We conclude that the supposed constraints from EMU are largely an illusion as they do not prevent prudent governments from actions they would normally take - indeed EMU is potentially a considerable net benefit in tackling the causes of social exclusion. Furthermore we conclude that the process of open co-ordination and the other mechanisms of co-ordination among macroeconomic and structural policies are potentially rather effective means of tackling problems that are highly dependent on local institutional and social arrangements. However, we do find that the lack of redistributive mechanism in the EU compared with federal states is likely to act as an important inhibitor on the rate of reduction of social exclusion particularly in the accession countries.

LINK TO PANEL 29

Benedetto Giacomo

(London School of Economics and Political Science)

Codecision, Committees and the Role of Rapporteurs in the European Parliament

Rapporteurs occupy a powerful position within the legislative process of the EU. They are MEPs appointed to draft parliamentary reports on proposed legislation during the committee stages before presenting them to the plenary, negotiating across party groups and with the Commission and Council in order to maximise consensus and the influence of Parliament if inter-institutional bargaining takes place. Reaching a "good" deal for the Parliament is the main motivation of rapporteurs under the codecision procedure, under which the Parliament is equal co-legislator with the Council.

Case studies contribute to an analysis of the role of rapporteurs. The paper looks at how they build consensus across the political spectrum for their proposals and how successful they are at legislative bargaining with the other institutions. The extent to which rapporteur "self-selection" occurs, according to the specific party preferences of potential rapporteurs, is also assessed.

LINK TO PANEL 25

Bergman Annika (Joint paper with Susanne Lindström)

(University of Sussex)

Managing Security in the Baltic and in the Mediterranean: Sweden's Policy Towards the EU's Mediterranean and Baltic Initiatives.

The EU's Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, established in 1995, attempted to address a number of socio-economic problems in the region, particularly those experienced by North African states. It was seen as a way to bridge the dividing line between the poorer, weaker states of the southern Mediterranean and the members of the EU. It also attempted to address a number of 'soft security' issues such as the environment, immigration and economic stability. In December 1997, the Northern Dimension was placed on the EU's agenda. In many ways the thinking behind the Northern Dimension proposal mirrored that behind the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Yet can the two be compared, especially in relation to the approach to security issues? This paper compares the two initiatives through the eyes of Swedish decision-makers. During their presidency of the EU how will Sweden develop the Northern Dimension and to what extent will they encourage a parallel process in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Indeed, will they bring the experience of that Partnership to bear on their treatment of the Northern Dimension, especially in the security field?

LINK TO PANEL 01

Bieler Andreas

(University of Nottingham)

Labour and the Struggle for a Social Europe: a Comparative Analysis of British and German Trade Unions.

This paper analyses the role of British and German trade unions in the struggle for a Social Europe, where the free market is embedded in a regulated social framework. It is asked whether unions have accepted neo-liberal economics and have, thus, become part of the neo-liberal historical bloc at EU level, or whether they are still involved in a challenge of this economic course. From the mid 1980s onwards, European integration rapidly developed along neo-liberal lines expressed in the four freedoms of goods, capital, services and people and the convergence criteria of EMU. The social dimension, although put forward by Jacques Delors as an important counterpart to economic integration, has clearly remained less developed. This paper provides a comparative analysis of British and German trade unions' understanding of the possibilities and problems of struggling against neo-liberalism through a focus on their position on EMU and social regulation. Do trade unions still concentrate on the national level to influence policy-making or do they increasingly attempt to co-operate with other trade unions at the EU level to safeguard the interests of their members? Do they understand the social dimension as a successful counterweight to EMU?

LINK TO PANEL 18

Blavoukos Spyridon

(University of Essex)

The EU's Pre-Accession Strategy: How Influential was the EP?

This paper looks at the pre-accession strategy of the EU and especially at the role of the European Parliament in it. The main argument is that the EP has managed to intervene in the policy-making process in two cases. The first is the framework Regulation of the Accession Partnerships and the second is the assistance of the EU to the candidate countries. In the first case, the EP took advantage of the Council´s urge to see the legal framework of the Accession Partnerships approved before the European Conference, in March 1998. In the second case, the EP stepped on the prior concessions of the Council and achieved an informal upgrading of its role by using efficiently the inherent delay power it enjoys under the consultation decision-making procedure.

LINK TO PANEL 26

Bloor Kevin

** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(University of Manchester)

European Foreign Policy: a Multi-Perspective Approach

My proposed paper combines the concepts of presence and actorness towards an understanding of European foreign policy. The concept of presence allows us to asses to impact of the EU within International Relations. A sufficient degree of presence necessitates the successful pursuit of European foreign policy, but without presence, the EU cannot act. The EU's presence is variable is dynamic, and when presence changes so too does Europe;s capacity to act. One can evaluate the weight and extent of actor capability of the EU by employing a method first developed by Gunnar Sjostedt. This paper attempts to combine the concepts of presence and actorness to gain greater conceptual clarity of the EU as a foreign policy actor, and European foreign policy in particular.

LINK TO PANEL 24

Bono Giovanna
** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

The European Security and Defence Policy and the Role of Transgovernmental Coalitions.

The signing of the Nice Treaty in December 2000 marks a watershed in the development of a European defence identity. At Nice the 15 EU leaders confirmed their cooperation in the creation of a Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) and established new military and political structures to deal with defence issues.

A striking feature of this development is that EU member states decided to create the RRF but failed to publicly outline what would be its political mandate and military doctrine. Current explanations seem unable to account for this phenomenon in that they tend to emphasise the strategic ambitions of the EU, the impact of external developments and the role of bilateral relations.

This paper seeks to test the hypothesis of whether the agreement on the creation of RRF was achieved faster than on its political aspects because there was a trans-governmental coalition in operations that included the ministries of defence. In other words, the research question posed is whether there were stronger common views amongst defence establishments than the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of EU member states. To test for this hypothesis the paper compares the attitudes and role of some ministries towards key issues that shaped the negotiations.

LINK TO PANEL 24

Boswell Christina

(Royal Institute of International Affairs / Institut für Friedensforschung und Sicherheitspolitik, Hamburg)

Spreading the "Costs" of Asylum in Europe: What Can We Learn from the German and UK Experience?

The paper will conclude by assessing how far national experience can and should guide policy development on burden-sharing at the EU level.

LINK TO PANEL 17

Bourgoignie Thierry

** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(Free University of Brussels)

EU Consumer Law and Policy for the Years to Come : a Few Suggested Policy Guidelines

(3) to define a comprehensive strategy for an effective enforcement of EU consumer legislation (namely : increased administrative cooperation, initiatives regarding consumer redress and class actions).

LINK TO PANEL 19

The objective of this paper is to reflect on the notion of 'region' as presented through the initiatives of the European Union. These politically and pragmatically defined spaces are contrasted with more traditional and theoretical views of the region in order to arrive at some conclusions about the significance of cross-border and transnational spaces in contemporary Europe.

LINK TO PANEL 08

C

Campbell   Christou    Church   Connolly   Consiglio   Corbett    Corticelli

Campbell Jason

(University of Abertay Dundee)

The Changing Nature of European Consumer Protection Regulation

The challenges facing modern consumer law are well discussed: increased consumerism, more sophisticated retail and marketing industries, the convergence of new consumer technologies, and political focus on the costs of regulation. In this light, it is important that the European Community adopts coherent and effective regulation in dealing with emerging consumer protection issues. The historical development of EC consumer protection goes some way to explain its problems in devising workable, rational laws to deal with consumer issues. Only in the mid 1990s did the Commission identify the need for harmonisation which allowed dynamic redefinition, whilst observing a clear and coherent underlying rationale. By examining the use of ideas such as ‘commercial communications’, ‘distance selling’ and ‘electronic signatures’, this paper demonstrates that the adoption of a conceptual, sui generis approach can provide lasting, practical regulation. Restrictive, technical measures are likely on an economic level to hamper the growth of consumer industries, particularly in competition with the USA, and will not meet the needs of the 21^st century consumer. It is argued that the criteria used for determining appropriate methods of regulation need to be made explicit, and that the balance between certainty, coherence and rationalisation needs to be more directly addressed.

LINK TO PANEL 19

Christou George

** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(University of Sheffield)

The European Union and Cyprus: Policy and Constraints

Although the European Union (EU) has tried to avoid any direct involvement in solving the dispute in Cyprus, the issue of enlargement has made it a EU matter and raised questions about the nature of the EU’s role in the peacemaking process. The Member States of the EU have ‘officially’ and in ‘principle’ supported Cypriot accession (as have the EU institutions), with or without a solution to the division of the island. Unofficially however, many Member States are sceptical, France in particular representing the extreme of this scepticism. The main objectives of this paper are to; explore the reasons behind the EU’s policy towards Cyprus and to address the question of why the EU has not been directly involved in resolving the Cyprus problem. The argument in this paper is that the EU’s role and policy towards Cyprus has been influenced and constrained by the internal dynamics of the EU policy-making process, Member State perceptions and historically constructed perceptions and ‘norms’ by the actors involved in the Cyprus dispute. These constraints have meant that EU policy towards Cyprus has been inadequate, incremental, and ambiguous. It will be suggested however, that these constraints are not insurmountable and that the EU could and should take a more coherent, pro-active and assertive stance towards resolving the dispute in Cyprus.

LINK TO PANEL 22

Church Clive

(The University of Kent at Canterbury)

When Simplification Ain't So Simple or What Nice May Not Do for the Treaties.

Always assuming its eventual ratification, Nice would seem to have helped the treaties by committing the Union to their simplification in the run up to the 2004 IGC. However, this commitment may be problematic, just as is the process designed to fulfil it.

In other words, the actual legacy of Nice to the treaties as such is highly problematic. Beyond this the public visibility (and acceptability) of any revised treaties cannot be taken for granted. In other words simplification is not all that simple.

LINK TO PANEL 02

Connolly Anthea

(University of Leeds)

The Origins and Development of European Union Policy on EU Citizen Voting Rights.

This paper looks at the historical roots of alien suffrage in the EU. It is based upon the statements of intention and policy from EU institutions concerning; the direct election of the European Parliament, the introduction of direct universal elections to the EP, and the introduction of voting in local and regional elections for Community citizens.

After discussing alien suffrage - the ethical, democracy and human rights dimensions, the paper will explore: Whether the introduction of European Community national voting in local/regional elections issued from a nascent European Community citizenship policy. Whether the impetus came from moves to establish direct elections to the European Parliament at the end of the 1960s, or whether it came from a conjunction of the two.

The paper will follow the evolution of European voting practices and will draw links between voting and citizenship in the European Union. The paper will thus reflect on the symbiotic or reflexive nature of the growth of Community policy on voting rights and citizenship. In conclusion the paper will ask the question "what should the EU do for alien.

LINK TO PANEL 27

Consiglio John
** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(University of Malta)

Mediterranean Regionality: Has the Barcelona Process Changed Anything at All?

This paper first discusses the concept of regionality, then applying its elements to the evolving specifics of Mediterranean regionality. Various perceptions of these (riparian, outsider nations’ or groupings’, the sea’s small island states’, etc) are considered. The paper argues that the basic paradigms originally inspiring the 1995 Barcelona Process have changed substantially from those of the regional dynamics of the post-cold war world, to a current realpolitik situation where potential partners are often perceived as possible adversaries. It is here argued that the Euro-Med partnership policy does have the possibility of being a positive strategic stake for the medium to long-term future, but its policy objectives and challenges, as well as its strategies and instruments, need to be translated into developments which are seen to have visible and tangible results without further delay. This, that is, if it is desired by the Process’s own original signatories that it should retain momentum as a continuing formal process. The total vision for the Euro-Med process must be based not merely on a concept of partnership but on one of closely knitted interdependence based on shared equality and responsibility.

LINK TO PANEL 22

Corbett Anne

(London School of Economics and Political Science)

Policy Entrepreneurship, Individual Action or Institutional Function? The Example of Higher Education Policy-Making in the EC/EU 1959-1995

The dynamics of policy change as a major theme of political science is reflected in EU policy-making literature. Agenda-setting accounts of policy change in the EU have identified the role of advocacy coalition frameworks in policy change, in prioritising issues for political attention. Accounts of Community policy-making have identified the role of the Commission as a policy entrepreneur in the process of policy change. This paper, drawn from a case study of higher education policy change in the Community over the period 1959-1995, identifies the action of individual policy entrepreneurs in agenda-setting, in different institutional roles and at different historical periods, in contributing to policy change. In analysing the case material on higher education policy change in terms of the Kingdon ‘multiple streams’ model of the agenda-setting phase of the policy process, this paper contributes to the debate as to whether policy entrepreneurship in the EU is a characteristic of individuals or a function of institutions.

LINK TO PANEL 33

Corticelli Maria (Joint paper with Dimitrios Konstadakopulos)

(University of the West of England, Bristol)

The Changing Character of Major Infrastructure Projects in Italy

The inception, organisation and execution of large infrastructure projects in Italy has been a highly politicised and complex process. Constant political changes and crises of government have hindered the initiation of major infrastructure projects and have delayed the completion of many others. Although the execution of large projects is still the competence of central government in Rome, the regions, provinces and the numerous local authorities have considerable powers and influence in the execution of such projects. Regions, in particular, have become extremely vocal, demanding exclusive control of inter-regional projects. In some cases, the EU has been instrumental in facilitating and expediting the construction of large infrastructure projects especially when European funding has been granted.

In the paper, and through a number of case studies, we focus on the decision-making process of large infrastructure projects and on how competences are distributed within the national, regional and local government. Special attention is paid to the consultation process and on the role of new management techniques that involve the public and private sector. For instance, project financing is becoming the most important instrument for financing large infrastructure projects in Italy. However, the speedy implementation of large infrastructure projects is likely to depend on individual circumstances and more importantly on the capability and interest of the parties involved.

LINK TO PANEL 34

D

Dardanelli   Day   Diez    Dobson   Dudek   Dzarasov

Dardanelli Paolo

** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(London School of Economics and Political Science)

European Integration and Regional Demands for Self-Government: the Case of Scotland, 1979/1997

The paper addresses the question of whether and how European integration affects the regional demands for self-government. It does so by investigating the case of Scotland on the basis of a comparison between 1979 and 1997. Through an analysis of party strategies and public opinion data, the paper argues that the EC/U dimension did not affect the demand for self-government in 1979 but that it did so in 1997. The difference is accounted for by the deepening of integration between the two time-points and by the fact that political actors demanding self-government perceived membership of the EU in 1997 – unlike in 1979 - as reducing the costs of independence and increasing the benefits of devolution, in political, economic and symbolic terms. By improving the cost/benefit balance of self-government relative to the status quo, European integration indirectly raised the demand for the former. The paper offers two contributions to the debate on the connections between European integration and regional demands for self-government. First, that European integration increases the demand for self-government at the regional level only under certain conditions. Second, that it does so primarily through its impact on support for independence rather than through the mechanisms of the structural funds.

LINK TO PANEL 34

Day Stephen (Joint paper with Jo Shaw)
** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(University of Leeds)

EU Electoral Rights as Migrants' Rights

In 1993 a new range of rights was established in the EC Treaty for EU citizens. EU citizens – defined as the nationals of the Member States (Article 17 EC) – have rights to vote and stand in local elections and European Parliamentary elections when resident in Member States other than the one of which they are a national (Article 19 EC). The precise conditions under which the rights can be exercised are laid down in Directives adopted by the Council of the EU, and in national implementing legislation and administrative rules. In broad terms, these electoral rights have been in operation since the mid-1990s, in relation to both local elections and European Parliament elections (1994 and 1999). However, in terms of electoral outcomes or impact upon the political cultures of the Member States or the EU as a whole they have had a marginal impact. They could, therefore, easily be dismissed as irrelevant to the wider task faced by many political institutions, namely to foster a deeper and more effective democratic culture within the emerging multi-level governance system which characterises the increasingly interconnected European Union and its Member States. In this paper, we characterise the EU electoral rights as migrants’ rights, as they arise in the context of the exercise of the free movement rights guaranteed by the EU Treaties, and by Union citizenship. Electoral rights can be seen as rights which are ancillary to the practice of migration, established by the EU acting as protective polity in order to foster a deeper sense of involvement on the part of the migrant with the host state and with certain aspects of its political culture, and to limit the prejudice in terms of loss of political rights which the migrant may suffer as a result of moving away from her home state. At first sight, therefore, it would appear that through the electoral rights provisions of the EC Treaty the EU – as the entity which mandates the free movement rights in the first place – is enacting the political principle of civic inclusion sometimes termed ‘alien suffrage’. This principle provides that in a liberal democratic, constitutionally-based polity which adheres fundamental rights precepts resident non-nationals ought, in principle, to be included amongst the group of persons entitled to participate politically within the host polity, inter alia through rights to vote and stand in some if not all elections. This invites comparison with the treatment – under EU law – of the other, much larger, group of migrants, who do not benefit from Union citizenship, namely third country nationals. The paper sets out and reviews the main arguments presented in favour of or against extending political participation rights in host polities to migrants. The contrast which this appears at first sight to highlight between the normative ‘polity-ideas’ which enjoy support within the EU and within many of its Member States respectively will be emphasised. The suggestion is made that some basis other than an essentially liberal cosmopolitan principle of alien suffrage needs to be developed to sustain the claim made on behalf of the Union that EU electoral rights are important to the development of a thicker conception of Union citizenship. Moreover, whatever normative justification is advanced for EU electoral rights, a case can be made on grounds of coherence that they are incomplete: either they should be extended for Union citizens to national elections as well, or they should be extended at least so far as pertains to local elections to third country nationals. The latter step does not necessarily require the formal recognition of third country nationals as citizens of the Union by means of an amendment to Article 17 EC, but rather a specific extension of the incidents of citizenship to another category of beneficiaries.

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Diez Thomas

(University of Birmingham)

The Intertwining of Societies: Exploring the EU's System of Governance

A central puzzle that the EU poses for its analysts is its system of governance, and how this may be compared to the modern, territorial state system. Among the most prominent answers to this puzzle is the conceptualisation of the EU as a system of multi-level governance (Christiansen, 1997; Marks, 1996), as opposed to a system where governing was, by and large, the responsibility of a single centre within a territorially and hierarchically organised society (although federalism had always complicated this simple formula). Others, critical of the orderly picture of clear cut levels in European politics, have described the EU as a system of network governance, either to then study the decision-making processes in EU policy networks (Kohler-Koch et al., 1998), or to theorise the ethical implications of such a decentered form of governance in contrast to the modern state government (Diez, 1997). The number of attempts to clarify the 'nature of the beast' (Risse-Kappen, 1996) are legion, but what they all share is an understanding of the EU that stands in stark contrast to Bull's dismissal of its trans-formative potential: namely that the EU transcends the state system to develop a system of governance in which the separation of a clear hierarchical order inside, and an anarchical order outside, no longer holds.

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Dobson Lynn

(University of Essex)

What Has Nice Ever Done For Us, the Citizens? (Or, Documenting Political Schizophrenia)

The paper argues that the outcomes of the Nice summit contribute to the disenfranchising of the EU’s citizens by intensifying the EU’s failure to establish the conditions required for citizens’ substantive political agency at EU level and by consolidating and endorsing formal political inequalities. However there are, latent in the Treaty, contrary potentials conducive to an effective future citizenship and these are identified and discussed.

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Dudek Carolyn

(Hofstra University)

European Pressure for Pension Reform in Spain?

Demographic changes and the creation of a single currency in Europe have compelled greater EU influence in Spanish pension reform. Although, pension reform has remained the domain of the domestic realm, increased European integration has necessitated lifting the issue of pension reform to the EU level. The economic dependence among members of EMU and the unique institutional structure of the EU has facilitated increased attention at the EU level regarding pension reform. In turn, greater EU activity regarding pension policy has directly influenced pension reform agenda setting within Spain. Politically, the EU presents a unique condition. For instance, accountability is quite distinct from democratic configurations within member states whereby constituencies can place greater political pressure to inhibit change. In addition, national governments are able to use the EU as a scapegoat to implement needed yet unpopular or highly contested policies such as pension reform. Economically, the almost complete economic integration after the introduction of the Euro, means that countries are ever more dependent on policy choices in other Member States. This study concludes that the uniqueness of the EU and its political and economic importance have facilitated Brussels taking an important role in the context of pension reform.

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Dzarasov Soltan
** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow)

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E

Eralp   Evans

Eralp Atila
** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

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Evans Andrew

Legal conceptualisations of the EU policy-making process are sovereignty-based. Not only do these conceptualisations imply that the Member States play a dominant role in this process. They also make it problematic for regional institutions to play a role in this process independently of their Member State. If the possibility of independent participation is denied to regional institutions, serious questions arise concerning devolution to Northern Ireland and Scotland. The central question is whether arrangements can be made to enable the devolved institutions to play an effective role in policy fields where the EU has competence or whether they will serve merely to implement decisions taken by other institutional actors.

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F

Fabry   Faińa   Fairbrass 1   Fairbrass 2   Fallon   Flockton   Forysinski   Funk

This paper will analyse EU enlargement as an attempt at reconstruction of a political community focussing on the territory of Cyprus. It addresses two broad areas of interest: who are the main institutional actors in the development of EU policy in favour of Cyprus and how is such a policy being shaped? Does European integration open up new possibilities and formulas for pacification?

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Faińa Medín J Andrés (Joint paper with Jesús Lopez-Rodríguez)
** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(University of A Coruńa)

The Regional Policy of the European Union and the Enlargement Process to Central and Eastern European Countries (first draft - not to be quoted)

The main challenge involved in the successful extension of EU Regional Policy to CEECs lies in the field of management capabilities and administration reforms that must be carried out in these countries.

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Fairbrass Jenny 1 (Joint paper with Andrew Jordan)

In this paper we will: describe the ‘environmental’ changes made to the Treaty and assess the extent to which they affect the role played by different actors in making EU environmental policy; examine the implications of the changes for the long term prospects of EU environmental policy in the context of current (i.e. improving policy implementation; achieving environmental policy integration) and future challenges (i.e. enlargement; preparing for the next IGC).

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Fairbrass Jenny 2 (Joint paper with Andrew Jordan)

(University of East Anglia)

interlinked process of change. The changes in the DoE's internal values and philosophy suggest that the impacts of Europeanisation could be much more deep-seated than a casual inspection of its organisational structures and standard operating procedures would imply.

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Fallon Grahame (Joint paper with Alan Jones)

(University College Northampton)

The Political Economy of EU-Russia Trading Relations since 1991 and the Impact of Russian Domestic Policy Failure

Trading relations between the EU and Russia are of considerable importance for the economic and political future of both regions. Significant progress has been made in strengthening their trading relationship since 1991, but the development of the relationship has nevertheless been marked by specific political and economic obstacles, associated with ideological constraints on both sides, and especially with domestic policy failure in Russia. The paper argues that institutional and political failure have contributed to industrial stagnation in Russia’s domestic market, reflected in the development of an illiberal trade policy with Soviet era characteristics, and in the persistence of economic asymmetry in Russia’s trading relations with the EU. The restrictive nature of the Partnership and Co-operation Agreement (PCA) which governs EU-Russia trade relations, and its practical shortcomings should therefore be seen from within the Russian as well as the EU policy context. The paper argues that, with the election of Putin as Russian President, opportunities for genuine economic transition in Russian may now be enhanced, as might the chances of intensifying EU-Russia economic and trading relations. If the latter takes place within the established frameworks for co-operation discussed in this paper, then the existing mechanics of EU-Russia relations may in future be vindicated.

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Flockton Christopher

(University of Surrey)

Member State Tensions Over the EU Liberalisation of Services and Network Industries: the French and German Cases

Franco-German differences over the implementation of EU liberalisation directives have become sharper in recent years, as the slowness of French market opening has become evident and French incumbent monopolists seek to penetrate more open neighbouring markets. In the most recent cases, in gas supply, Germany has threatened liberalisation delays unless there is speedier reform in France, while in electric power the purchase by EdF of the fourth largest German generator has been the subject of competition enquiries by Brussels and the Kartellamt. While Germany and France earlier both favoured arguments of universal service and public service, whether in telecoms, posts or rail and local transport, the positions have grown apart. The paper seeks to identify and explain convergence and divergence in arguments over public service and regulation in a range of liberalised branches, and it assesses progressive market opening in these two countries in terms of the tension between oligopolistic strategies and competition authority/national regulator constraints. It closes with observations on the relative need for more harmonised/centralised EU regulatory powers.

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Forysinski Wojciech

The purpose of this paper is to identify the basic elements of the European Union's attitude towards Northern Cyprus and to analyse the role EU plays in the settlement of the Cyprus question. In particular, the evolution of the so-called "EU catalyst effect" will be discussed. It is also intended to deal with the prospects for the future and to assess how the current Cyprus accession process might facilitate or hinder a settlement on the island. Various scenarios are taken into consideration in the light of possible outcomes of the Cyprus accession process.

It will also be argued that the comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem and the questions of Cyprus and Turkey's progress towards accession and future membership in the European Union cannot be disentangled.

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Funk Lothar

(University of Birmingham)

The New Economy in the United States - Will Europe Catch Up?

The paper will assess the realism of the declaration of Europe’s leaders‘ goal of overtaking the US in high tech by 2010 in Lisbon last March. The paper will propose possible explanations for the differences in productivity trends between the US and the EU and address the question whether Europe will be able to close the gap or overtake the USA, including the necessary institutional preconditions.

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G

Gänzle   George   Göksel    Gold   Goodman   Green   Groenendijk   

Gänzle Stefan
** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(Friedrich Schiller University)

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George Stephen (Joint paper with Ian Bache)

(University of Sheffield)

Britain and European Regional Policy

In 1992 the papers of a UACES study group on Britain and the European Community (EC) were published (George, 1992). Starting with that earlier analysis of the domestic roots of British policy in the EC / EU, this paper examines the positions of British governments on the negotiation of European structural funds and their reform, and the British record of implementation of the policies associated with the funds, particularly the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). It tests the evidence against six hypotheses generated by the earlier study. Most of the hypotheses relate to the British negotiating position, and are sustained by the case study. However, the case study suggests that the British record on implementation requires further investigation. The paper draws on research on implementation of the ERDF in Britain conducted by the authors under ESRC grant R000222447.

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Göksel Asuman

(Middle East Technical University)

The Impact of Turkey's Candidacy to the EU on the Turkish Administrative System

The main question of the paper will be the examination of the probable impact of the candidacy to the EU on the Turkish Administrative System. Since the paper will explore the impact, particularly, on the institutional set up, the institutions will be used as a unit of analysis, on which the paper will depend. To be able to make a clear account of the changes in the structure of the whole administrative system in forms of reformations, rearrangements and establishments; as well as the implications of these changes due to a particular set of "principles" is the backbone of the paper. I will also make use of different frame of references throughout the paper such as the enlargement process of the EU, with its previous and present experiences, and the Europeanisation literature. I believe that these two different perspectives, albeit to different extents, helps us to draw the borderlines of the study, in relation to the exploration of such a probable impact.

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Gold Peter

The paper concludes that as with other border regions the enclaves do represent 'spaces for interchange', but mostly in a negative sense, and that thus far the 'Fortress' mentality seems likely to prevail on Europe's southern flank.

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Goodman Clorinda

(University of Bristol)

Does Cross-Border Collaborative Contact Between SMEs Reinforce Democracy?

This paper will explore preliminary results of a study into the effect of cross border collaboration between SMEs in Europe on the levels of social and political trust experienced by the participants. In particular it will examine whether social trust and thus social capital has developed, and whether it has been converted into political trust and political capital. This is explored in the context of the European Union’s struggle to mend the democratic deficit and encourage the growth of a ‘self-conscious transnational demos’. Is such contact potentially a tool for reinforcing the democratic base or do strong national or regional identities and cultural boundaries inhibit this?

Collaboration, as opposed to competition, amongst SMEs has been investigated in the industrial districts of Italy and elsewhere by writers such as Piore & Sabel, and Cooke & Morgan. They have identified levels of social capital and social trust as important factors in economic success. However, they have not ascertained whether social trust and capital in such districts are a cause or an effect of such new models of economic behaviour. They have not examined social capital across a wider network of contacts between SMEs that run across national borders and ‘inter’ as against ‘intra’regionally.

Social capital has been identified as a key factor in improving democratic involvement, and as a foundation upon which successful democracies rely. Thus the potential role and influence of these economic players as ‘political actors’ has perhaps been undervalued so far.A growing body of literature has been devoted to the issue of trust, social capital and identity. The research will be seeking to examine whether any growth in the shared identity of participants has a positive link with their political allegiance, and at what level. Does it impinge on the issue of European identity and what are the policy implications? The issues raised are of importance for both British and European democracy. Writers such as Mouffe and Chryssochoou have pointed to the need for a shared affiliation to the European Union to ensure its long-term success. Are SMEs in fact a gateway to the democratic base because of the numbers who work in them? Are they a more important element in European society than has been realised? If so, what lessons are to be learnt from their behaviour about the structure of the Union? Can networks replace hierarchies?

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Green Simon

(University of Birmingham)

Managing Labour Migration in the European Union

Focussing on the UK and Germany, this paper will examine the political mechanisms for managing and controlling such immigration. It will argue that while the EU remains a popular destination for asylum seekers, its member states have experienced considerably greater difficulties in actually attracting labour with specific skills in the global market place. It will also argue that a key reason for this policy failure lies in the persistent regulatory resistance to permanent settlement and naturalisation in some EU member states. Moreover, the need to resolve this issue will increase pressure from below towards a harmonised immigration and integration regime.

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Groenendijk Nico

(University of Twente)

Fiscal Federalism Theory and European Governance

This paper focuses on the allocation of policy-making functions within the European Union, confronting ‘traditional’ fiscal federalism theory and ‘modern’ governance theories. First a reconstruction of fiscal federalism theory is put forward. Fiscal federalism and governance theories are then discussed on three levels.

On the third level, fiscal federalism as a governance theory, it is concluded that more attention should be paid to the general public finance theory on the functions of government vis-ŕ-vis the private sector, and to a possible redefinition of government functions within the economy.

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H

Hearl   Hiris   Holmes M    Holmes P   Howell

Hearl Derek

This is something of a background paper covering such things as political and economic structures, official positions and public opinion in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus concerning the EU. Inter alia, the paper will address the question as to how and to what extent the TRNC meets the accession criteria.

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Hiris Liliana

The paper will ask what other factors than better income abroad might act as migration push factors in the two countries to be compared. Moreover, it will look whether nationals of Bulgaria and Romania have the same or different levels of geographical mobility within these two countries’ borders. Any conclusion will be shortly reconsidered in the context of all East European EU applicants and their migration patterns.

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Holmes Michael (Joint paper with Nicholas Rees)

(Liverpool Hope University)

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Holmes Peter (Joint paper with Leonardo Iacovone)
** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **

(University of Sussex)

Risk Rationality and Regulation in the EU and the WTO

This paper will look at the problems raised by the need to secure the confidence of public opinion in regulating issues where risk management and trade liberalisation come into contact and possibly conflict. This paper will attempt to integrate the economic, political and legal perspectives on how the different forms of rationality may be reconciled. There has been a tendency to suppose that these can be handled by technocratic regulatory agencies which in bureaucratic rational manner draw on technical and scientific expertise to generate efficient solutions. The key issue will be where alternative concepts of rationality conflict with each other. In particular he paper will explore how different jurisdictions handle the problem of what happens when public fears exist apparently in violation of rational scientific judgements. Alternative approaches exist in the literature; Giddens for example argues that the public fears are simply based on an alternative approach to rationality, while Margolis argues that human psychology is badly equipped to handle judgements over probability and we should trust experts. These different philosophies operate in different and often poorly understood ways in the rules and jurisprudence of the EU and the WTO. At the one extreme there is the view that regulations that impair trade can only be rational if they are based on strong scientific evidence; on the other hand there is an argument that regardless of the reason, if public opinion consistently places a high "loss function" value to a certain risk, this should be treated as rational subjective utility maximisation.

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Howell Kerry (Joint paper with Jill Preston)

(Anglia Polytechnic University)

Local, Regional and European Union Policy-Making: Understanding the Developing Links – the Case of the UK

Initially inductive, the study is developing a methodological approach relating to a critical theory paradigm. The study is drawing on a grounded theory approach. Data is being collected through observation, focus groups and semi-structured interviews in the UK and Brussels.

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I

Iacovone

Iacovone Leonardo (Joint paper with Peter Holmes)

(University of Sussex)

Risk Rationality and Regulation in the EU and the WTO

This paper will look at the problems raised by the need to secure the confidence of public opinion in regulating issues where risk management and trade liberalisation come into contact and possibly conflict. This paper will attempt to integrate the economic, political and legal perspectives on how the different forms of rationality may be reconciled. There has been a tendency to suppose that these can be handled by technocratic regulatory agencies which in bureaucratic rational manner draw on technical and scientific expertise to generate efficient solutions. The key issue will be where alternative concepts of rationality conflict with each other. In particular he paper will explore how different jurisdictions handle the problem of what happens when public fears exist apparently in violation of rational scientific judgements. Alternative approaches exist in the literature; Giddens for example argues that the public fears are simply based on an alternative approach to rationality, while Margolis argues that human psychology is badly equipped to handle judgements over probability and we should trust experts. These different philosophies operate in different and often poorly understood ways in the rules and jurisprudence of the EU and the WTO. At the one extreme there is the view that regulations that impair trade can only be rational if they are based on strong scientific evidence; on the other hand there is an argument that regardless of the reason, if public opinion consistently places a high "loss function" value to a certain risk, this should be treated as rational subjective utility maximisation.

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J

Johnson   Jones   Junge

Johnson Debra

(University of Lincolnshire and Humberside)

The Missing Link: a Plea for Greater Focus on Informal Integration.

The study of European integration is dominated by political scientists, and particularly by debates surrounding the nature of the architecture of governance in Europe. Importance as these issues are, they do not tell the whole story about integration. Particularly neglected are the concepts of informal and organic integration, ideas that can play a significant role in illuminating the integration process.

This paper has two main arguments. First, it is not only how a policy is formed but also its impact that is important for understanding how integration occurs. In other words, formal integration acts as a catalyst for informal integration but it is the reaction of markets, economic actors to policy and other events such as technological development that is a key driver. The recent liberalisation of Europe's energy utilities is used as an illustration of the power of informal integration. Secondly, greater attention to informal integration will not only deepen understanding about European integration but will also facilitate identification of similarities between the processes of Europeanisation and globalisation. Indeed it is the focus on institutional issues that has kept the debates and literature about Europeanisation and globalisation relatively separate when, notwithstanding clear differences between the two, both processes also have much in common.

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Jones Alan (Joint paper with Grahame Fallon)

(University College Northampton)

The Political Economy of EU-Russia Trading Relations since 1991 and the Impact of Russian Domestic Policy Failure

Trading relations between the EU and Russia are of considerable importance for the economic and political future of both regions. Significant progress has been made in strengthening their trading relationship since 1991, but the development of the relationship has nevertheless been marked by specific political and economic obstacles, associated with ideological constraints on both sides, and especially with domestic policy failure in Russia. The paper argues that institutional and political failure have contributed to industrial stagnation in Russia’s domestic market, reflected in the development of an illiberal trade policy with Soviet era characteristics, and in the persistence of economic asymmetry in Russia’s trading relations with the EU. The restrictive nature of the Partnership and Co-operation Agreement (PCA) which governs EU-Russia trade relations, and its practical shortcomings should therefore be seen from within the Russian as well as the EU policy context. The paper argues that, with the election of Putin as Russian President, opportunities for genuine economic transition in Russian may now be enhanced, as might the chances of intensifying EU-Russia economic and trading relations. If the latter takes place within the established frameworks for co-operation discussed in this paper, then the existing mechanics of EU-Russia relations may in future be vindicated.

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Junge Kerstin

(University of Birmingham)

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K

Kahraman   Kavakas   Kennard    Kip Barnard   Konstadakopulos

Kahraman Sevilay
** This paper-giver is no longer able to attend **